Skip to main content
Internet Archive's 25th Anniversary Logo

Full text of "The Kansas historical quarterly"

See other formats

From the collection of the 

7 n 
z m 

o Prelinger 

t P 

San Francisco, California 


Kansas Historical 

NYLE H. MILLER, Managing Editor 

JAMES C. MALIN, Associate Editor 

Volume XXV 

(Kansas Historical Collections) 


Published by 

The Kansas State Historical Society 
Topeka, Kansas 

Contents of Volume XXV 

Number 1 Spring, 1959 


Alan W. Farley, 1 

With Alexander Gardner photographs of bridge building across the Kaw, 
and office of the Union Pacific at Wyandotte, 1867, frontispiece, and 
portrait of Samuel Hallet, facing p. 1. 

GATEWAYS TO THE PROMISED LAND: The Role Played by the Southern 
Kansas Towns in the Opening of the Cherokee Strip to Settlement, 

Jean C. Lough, 17 

With photographs of campers near Arkansas City preparing to make the 
run, between pp. 16, 17. 


MISSIONARY, 1854-1858: Part One, 1854-1855, 

Edited by Emory Lindquist, 39 

Exemplar of the Philosophy of Emanuel Swedenborg and Herbert 

Spencer James C. Malin, 68 

THE ANNUAL MEETING: Containing Reports of the Secretary, Treasurer, 
Executive and Nominating Committees; Election of Officers; List of 

Directors of the Society 104 




Number 2 Summer, 1959 



Part One) : 129 

With photographs of scenes and activities at Pratt Army Air Base, Great 
Bend Army Air Field and Smoky Hill Army Air Force Base, Salina, 
between pp. 144, 145. 


Calvin W. Gower, 158 

Reprint of a "Table of Distances" from Atchison to the Gold Mines, 
1859, between pp. 160, 161. 


MISSIONARY, 1854-1858 Concluded Edited by Emory Lindquist, 172 

Exemplar of the Philosophy of Emanuel Swedenborg and Herbert 

Spencer Concluded James C. Malin, 197 


Compiled by Alberta Pantle, Librarian, 229 





Number 3 Autumn, 1959 



With portrait of Eugene Fitch Ware, about 1881, facing p. 272. 


John G. Clark, 301 

With reproduction of painting of Mark W. Delahay, facing p. 304. 

ments, Part One) Emory Lindquist, 313 

With portraits of Lewis Bodwell, Pardee Butler, Richard Cordley, and Hugh 
Dunn Fisher, facing p. 320, and Charles H. Lovej'oy, Samuel Young 
Lum, Peter McVicar, and Roswell Davenport Parker, facing p. 321. 


With photographs of Boeing B-29 gunners at Smoky Hill Army Air Field, 
Salina, and Free French fliers at Dodge City Army Air Field, facing 
p. 336, and air force planes on Kansas fields, facing p. 337. 




Number 4 Winter, 1959 



With photographs of altered Pony Express stations still standing in Seneca 
and Marysville, and map of the Kansas portion of the Pony Express 
route, frontispiece. 


/. Neale Carman, 386 

With sketches and photographs of Linn county lead mine area, between 
pp. 400, 401. 


James C. Malin, 402 

Concluded Emory Lindquist, 407 









Spring 1959 

Published by 

Kansas State Historical Society 


Managing Editor Editor Associate Editor 



Alan W. Farley, 1 

With Alexander Gardner photographs of bridge building across the Kaw, 
and office of the Union Pacific at Wyandotte, 1867, frontispiece, and 
portrait of Samuel Hallett, facing p. 1. 

GATEWAYS TO THE PROMISED LAND: The Role Played by the Southern 
Kansas Towns in the Opening of the Cherokee Strip to Settlement, 

Jean C. Lough, 17 

With photographs of campers near Arkansas City preparing to make the 
run, between pp. 16, 17. 


SIONARY, 1854-1858: Part One, 1854-1855, 

Edited by Emory Lindquist, 39 

Exemplar of the Philosophy of Emanuel Swedenborg and Herbert 
Spencer James C. Malin, 68 

THE ANNUAL MEETING: Containing Reports of the Secretary, Treasurer, 
Executive and Nominating Committees; Election of Officers; List of 
Directors of the Society 104 




The Kansas Historical Quarterly is published four times a year by the Kansas 
State Historical Society, 120 W. Tenth, Topeka, Kan., and is distributed free to 
members. Correspondence concerning contributions may be sent to the manag- 
ing editor at the Historical Society. The Society assumes no responsibility for 
statements made by contributors. 

Second-class postage has been paid at Topeka, Kan. 


The Union Pacific railroad yard at Wyandotte in 1867, 
photo by Alexander Gardner. This and the two which follow 
are from a collection of 150 photographs which Gardner 
took along the line of the Kansas Union Pacific to its end of 
track, "20 miles west of Hays," in 1867. 


i < 


Upper: Building a bridge across the Kaw at Wyandotte. 
Lower: Office, Union Pacific Railway Co., E. D., at Wyandotte. 

Samuel Hallett 

Hallett energetically proceeded with the building of the Union Pacific from 
the Missouri-Kansas line in present Kansas City west through Kansas, until he 
was fatally shot by a disgruntled former employee in 1864. Had it not been 
for the early death of Hallett and subsequent delays in reorganization of the 
company, the Kansas Union Pacific might have been the line which met the Cen- 
tral Pacific in Utah in 1869, to form the first railroad link with the West Coast. 


Volume XXV Spring, 1959 Number 1 

Samuel Hallett and the Union Pacific Railway 
Company in Kansas 

(Copyright, 1958, by ALAN W. FARLEY) 

E honor of being first to suggest an overland railroad to the 
-L Pacific seems to belong to Robert Mills, engineer and architect, 
of Baltimore, who was later to design the Washington monument 
and several pre-Civil War buildings at the national capitol. Writ- 
ing in 1820 with extraordinary clarity of vision and at least nine 
years before the first American railroad line on which a locomotive 
was used, Mills noted that the voyage around Cape Horn to the 
mouth of the Columbia river and return required about ten months 
and that a 

short direct and certain means of communication should be established over 
the continent to the Pacific ocean. . . . When the Yellow Stone expedi- 
tion has accomplished the object of forming a settlement at or near the junction 
of this river with the Missouri, and an expedition is sent up the Columbia river 
to form a settlement for the protection of trade in that country, we shall no 
doubt find our government fully sensible of the importance of completing a 
good rail or turnpike road, between the two points. ... To calculate on 
the aid of steamboats upon these waters, and upon an application of the same 
moving power to carriages upon railroads, across the mountains, we may esti- 
mate an average progress of eighty miles per day on this rout, which would 
enable us to accomplish the journey in little more than sixty five days from the 
City of Washington to the Pacific ocean. 1 

It wasn't until the 1850's that Mills' prophetic dream became a 
real possibility. The government then conducted surveys of several 
alternate transcontinental routes but sectional rivalry and bitterness 
in congress precluded the possibility of any compromise choice be- 
tween several possible northern and southern roads. 

ALAN W. FARLEY, president of the Kansas State Historical Society, 1957-1958, is an 
attorney of Kansas City. He is an outstanding authority on Western Americana, and has 
published several works on Kansas City and Western history. This article was Farley's 
presidential address before the annual meeting of the Kansas State Historical Society on 
October 21, 1958. 

1. Robert Mills, A Treatise on Inland Navigation (Baltimore, 1820), pp. 53-59. The 
Carbondale and Honesdale railroad was the first railroad in America on which a locomotive 
was used. It opened in 1829. In 1852 an unknown writer in the Emigrant, a weekly 
newspaper of Ann Arbor, Mich., suggested a plan for a railroad from New York to Oregon 
by way of the Great Lakes and the Platte river valley. Edwin L. Sabin, Building the 
Pacific Railway (Philadelphia, 1919), p. 14. 


When the Civil War commenced, the two railroads extending the 
greatest distance west of the Mississippi were both in Missouri. 
The Hannibal and St. Joseph railroad joined those towns over a dis- 
tance of 206 miles and the Pacific railroad of Missouri was slowly 
building west to connect St. Louis with Kansas City, helped by state 
aid. This latter road reached Sedalia in 1861 when military activity 
stopped railroad building. Both these routes were prime targets of 
guerrilla raids and service on them was often disrupted during the 
war. 2 

Of the more than eleven hundred railroads chartered by various 
Kansas legislatures, several were lines to run in and along the Kansas 
valley. The Kansas Central Railroad Company, one of the most im- 
portant, had been surveyed and was designed to go west from 
Wyandotte, cross the river at Lawrence and through Lecompton 
and Topeka. Every town that hoped to grow and survive had to 
have one or more railroad lines at least on paper. The Leaven- 
worth, Pawnee and Western Railroad Company was chartered by 
the "bogus" Legislature of 1855 and had done some surveying on 
its route from Leavenworth to Fort Riley. But this was just another 
visionary railroad until it had acquired a fortune in Delaware Indian 
land. On May 30, 1860, through a treaty at Sarcoxieville on the 
Delaware reservation, the promoters of this road gained 223,966 
acres of Kansas valley land for $1.25 an acre. The railroad had no 
money so by another treaty made on July 2, 1861, it was agreed that 
the company could give a mortgage to secure the entire purchase 
price. By selling this land in parcels to settlers and influential spec- 
ulators, its railroad stock became valuable, and important support 
for congressional action in favor of the road was obtained. 

When the Southern members of congress withdrew, several con- 
troversial measures that they had formerly successfully resisted were 
enacted into law. New states and territories were created, and the 
homestead law and the Pacific railroad law were enacted. This 
latter measure resulted from a compromise between the influences 
of St. Louis and Chicago, and was justified as a war measure to pro- 
tect the Western coast. At the time it was stated that the passage 
of the Pacific railroad act was due to the efforts of California and 
Kansas. At any rate, on July 1, 1862, the Union Pacific and the 
Central Pacific railroads were created and the Leavenworth, Pawnee 
& Western Railroad Company was authorized to construct a rail- 
road and telegraph line from the state line of Missouri at the mouth 

2. Walter Williams and Floyd Shoemaker, Missouri, Mother of the West (Chicago. 
1930), v. 1, p. 561 et seq. 


of the Kansas river (there to connect with the Pacific railroad of 
Missouri on the south side of the Missouri river), thence westward 
to the 100th meridian of longitude, there to unite with several rail- 
roads from Missouri and Iowa. The route west of Fort Riley was 
to be subject to the approval of the President, and each company 
was required to complete 100 miles of road within two years after 
filing their assent to the conditions of the act. 

In order to help finance construction, it was provided that gov- 
ernment bonds in the amount of $16,000 per mile would be issued 
upon the completion of each 40-mile section of road after acceptance 
of the section by government commissioners; these bonds to be a 
first mortgage on all property of the railroad. A grant of alternate 
sections of land within the limit of ten miles on each side of the 
railroad was to be made upon the approval of each 40-mile section 

The Leavenworth, Pawnee and Western Railroad Company, 
through its president, J. H. McDowell, accepted the provisions of 
the act on November 15, 1862, although O. B. Gunn and Colonel 
Medbury had commenced survey for the route several months 
earlier. The Union Pacific Railroad Company delayed until the 
following June to notify the government of its acceptance. 3 At the 
end of 1862 the press could report that only 30 men were employed 
on the railroad at Leavenworth. 4 

Previous to May 28, 1863, a controlling portion of the capital stock 
of the L. P. & W. was sold to Samuel Hallett and John C. Fremont. 5 
In the business world of that day these were magic names. Hallett 
was a young investment banker with offices in New York City, who 
had acted as financial agent of the Atlantic & Great Western rail- 
way, one of the successful railroad enterprises in the East. He also 
had extensive connections with capitalists in this country and 
Europe. John C. Fremont had become wealthy through the sale 
of his Rancho de los Mariposas in California and was the darling 
of the radicals in Washington who opposed the Lincoln administra- 
tion. He had been an authentic hero of Western exploration but 
his military failure in the Civil War presaged the decline of his fame. 

A few days later the stockholders elected General Fremont presi- 
dent, and changed the name of the corporation to the Union Pacific 
Railway Company, Eastern Division. ( In 1868 this name was again 
changed to the Kansas Pacific Railway Company. ) Hallett became 

3. James H. Simpson, Report on the Union Pacific Railroad and Branches (Washington, 
November, 1865), pp. 2-88. 

4. Wyandotte Commercial Gazette, January 10, 1863. 

5. Ibid., June 13, 1863; Points of Law and Argument for Complainant . . ., Stevens 
vs. Kansas Pacific Railway, U. S. circuit court, district of Kansas (1874), p. 5. 


general superintendent of the railroad and sole contractor for its 
construction. 6 

After making financial preparations and letting contracts for nec- 
essary rails and other iron for the first 50 miles of road, Hallett 
arrived at the offices of the company at Leavenworth on August 11, 
1863. The following day he took possession of the railroad by the 
simple expedient of driving the employees of Ross, Steel & Company, 
contractors of Montreal, Canada, who had been employed by the 
L. P. & W., away from their job of grading the right-of-way. One 
account says that a company of cavalry from Fort Leavenworth was 
obtained to back up Hallett's party. The victims retaliated by re- 
sorting to sundry litigation but their suits were defeated in the 
United States circuit court at Keokuk. 7 At this time Hallett, who 
understood the uses of propaganda, published a long letter officially 
endorsing his project. John P. Usher, then Secretary of the In- 
terior, with the approval of the President, 8 declared that the govern- 
ment favored the Kansas valley route for an overland railroad, an 
action which must have made the Union Pacific investors and resi- 
dents of Iowa and Nebraska unhappy. 

At the time Leavenworth had become the largest city of Kansas 
due to the many beneficial influences of the nearby fort and to the 
steamboat traffic of the Missouri river. Other cities, St. Joseph and 
Kansas City, coveted her trade and her metropolitan air as economic 
adjustments due to the Civil War boomed Leavenworth and slowed 
her rivals, notably Kansas City. But the location of the Union Pa- 
cific, E. D., and other railroads, helped to turn away all this war- 
time prosperity. Railroads were destined to supplant steamboats 
and the trade of Fort Leavenworth was to decline after the war, due 
to the economy of army activities. 9 

Warring political factions within the city of Leavenworth made 
concerted municipal action well-nigh impossible and were a horrid 
example of what can result from failure to exploit civic opportunity. 
The community assumed that it was indispensable to the railroad. 
The situation was clear to outsiders, for a Kansas City editor al- 
luded to that attitude with some sarcasm: 

The Leavenworth newspapers are perpetrating a huge joak [sic] about the 
Great Pacific Railroad. The entire editorial force of the city have turned out 

6. Ibid., pp. 5, 6. 

7. Western Journal of Commerce, Kansas City, Mo., November 7, 1863; The Daily 
Times, Leavenworth, August 12, 13, 1863; John D. Cruise, "Early Days on the Union 
Pacific," Kansas Historical Collections, v. 11 (1909-1910), p. 535; C. A. Trowbridge to 
James F. Joy, September 26 and October 1, 1863, in "Burton Historical Collections," Detroit 
Public Library, Detroit, Mich. 

8. Kansas City (Mo.) Daily Journal of Commerce, April 5, 1864; The Daily Times, 
Leavenworth, August 20, 1863. 

9. The prosperity of Leavenworth was further retarded by high railroad rates which 
"broke" or dropped at Kansas City on shipments to the East. 


with pick and shovel and gone to work on the road, and expect to have it 
completed through to California in a couple of weeks. They are going to have 
it run three times around Leavenworth, so as to be sure that it will stop there. 
But the great difficulty for them to determine is whether they will build most 
of it by telegraph, stage or newspaper puffs probably the latter. They are 
going to commence it to-morrow or yesterday and they are also discussing 
the propriety, after a few miles of it is built, of "breaking it off" and running 
it into the ground for fear it may go to some other town besides Leavenworth. 10 

Late in August, Hallett proposed to the mayor and council of 
Leavenworth that the city subscribe $100,000 for stock of the rail- 
road. 11 The people of that metropolis were nobly trying to relieve 
the stricken inhabitants of Lawrence, who had been raided by the 
Quantrill gang just a week earlier. A conference with the city 
fathers about the subscription of stock was unsatisfactory, so Hallett 
retaliated by moving the principal offices of the company to Wyan- 

It was then decided by the company that the main line would be 
built directly west to Fort Riley, instead of detouring through 
Leavenworth, then west from that place, as the Leavenworth in- 
vestors desired. A branch line was designed to run from Lawrence 
to Leavenworth, there to connect with the Hannibal & St. Joseph 
railroad which had been extended south to Weston, Mo. To this 
day a resident of Leavenworth has to travel through Kansas City 
or St. Joseph going east by rail. The paved highways are similarly 

The Congregational Record, Lawrence, for October, 1862, carried 
a long account of Wyandotte and summarized its situation: "The 
[Indian] Reserve on one side, and Rebeldom on the other, have pre- 
vented Wyandot from reaching its early expectations. Loose clap- 
boards, broken windows, and faded paint, indicate a place where 
early growth surpassed its subsequent importance." To this scene 
came Hallett & Co. 

The railroad's eastern terminus was the Missouri line. It was to 
cross the Kansas river near Splitlog's mill two miles south of Wyan- 
dotte, and proceed up the north side of the Kansas valley. The 
company advertised for a thousand laborers and offered $1.50 per 
day, payable in cash every Saturday night. 

On September 12, 1863, the Wyandotte Gazette recorded that 

Last Monday at 10& o'clock A. M. work on the Union Pacific R. Road was 
commenced. . . . Mr. Hallett . . . gave directions ... to clear 
a space 50 feet on each side of the [state] line [for the eager spectators]. Mr. 
Silas Armstrong [a leader among the Wyandotte Indians], and A. B. Bartlett 

10. Daily Journal of Commerce, January 6, 1863. 

11. The Daily Times, August 29, 1863. 


Esq., [attorney for the road], each claimed the privilege of cutting the first tree. 
Each held his ax, standing by trees of about the same size. Mr. Hallett gave 
the order to cut, and both trees fell about the same instant. A single cheer 
resounded through the woods. . . . 

Within two days two miles of right-of-way had been cleared. 

Hallett caused a great post to be set at this initial point at the 
state line; the side facing Missouri was inscribed "Slavery" and on 
the side facing west toward Kansas the symbol was "Freedom/* 

A week later the press exulted that the railroad had an excavating 
machine that does the work of a hundred men, and that a telegraph 
office was opened in Killings building at Third and Minnesota. By 
September 26 nine miles of railroad had been located, half of that 
cleared, and more than a third graded. The following week the 
railroad office on Third street got an iron safe as large as a medium- 
sized store room, and five miles of road bed had been graded. One 
hundred Canadians arrived to work on the construction. The paper 
chronicled that they were at work on a deep cut a few miles beyond 
the Delaware Ferry on October 24 and were an honest and indus- 
trious lot of men. 

All this activity boomed Wyandotte but the railroad right-of-way 
missed the town. Hallett's business acumen again came into play 
as he secured more working capital for the road. After some nego- 
tiation, the citizens by a margin of 286 to 3 voted that the county 
issue $100,000 in bonds to be traded to Hallett for paid stock in the 
railroad; and in return the railroad agreed to construct 1.77 miles of 
spur track to the Wyandotte levee, erect freight and passenger de- 
pots, and keep its turntables, machine shops, and engine houses 
there. That same month (November) the railroad was being 
graded at the rate of two miles a day, the graders reached the vicin- 
ity of Lawrence and the first section of 40 miles, most of the route 
through heavy timber, was ready for track. The city fathers were 
advised to fix "our magnificent spring on the bank of the Kaw" for 
the railroad spur had passed directly over it on a culvert. 

In December ground was at last broken in Omaha for that 
"branch" of the Pacific railroad, while iron rails had been brought 
to Weston, Mo., by train, and shipped by steamer to Wyandotte. 
The same month the Alexander Majors, loaded with railroad iron 
got stuck on a bar 12 miles below Leavenworth and then became 
ice-bound and didn't get to the levee at Wyandotte until February 
7, 1864. People were so elated they saluted the steamer by firing 
the local cannon. The following week more iron arrived and the 
first locomotive, The Wyandotte, was set on the tracks that had been 


quickly laid down on the spur at the levee. This locomotive had 
been used on the Platte Valley railroad during the bad weather until 
it could be brought here. V. J. Lane, who was at the Montana 
mines at the time, writing much later says that John Hallett man- 
aged to run the locomotive into the river, but the editor of the 
Gazette simply says that two wheels got off the track on one of its 

Much has been written about the route of the railroad at Law- 
rence and Topeka, for these cities were on the south side of the 
river. Originally it was designed that the railroad would pass both 
towns by several miles on the most direct westerly line. On De- 
cember 7, 1863, the Department of Interior received a petition from 
Sen. James H. Lane and other citizens of Lawrence asking that 
Hallett & Co. be required to run the road to the north bank of the 
river opposite Lawrence and Topeka. 12 By January, 1864, the road 
was graded past Lawrence and the telegraph poles were set. 13 

Senator Lane is reputed to have used extraordinary pressure on 
the railroad officials in favor of the route to Lawrence, causing the 
abandonment of six miles of grading already completed, making 
the line two and one-half miles longer and causing the extension 
from Leavenworth which joined the road at that point to be two 
miles longer, all at costs estimated to be $315,000. All factions in 
the city joined in a resolution on January 6, 1864, that "the people 
of Lawrence are ready and willing to secure necessary depot 
grounds and remunerate the U. P. R. R. for all accommodations ex- 
tended fo our city." 14 

During March a second locomotive, The Delaware, was delivered 
at the Wyandotte levee by the steamer Emilie-, six miles of track 
had been laid, and the locomotive whistle resounded in the land. 
On April 6 the directors of the railroad took a trip about ten miles 
west on the new rails and afterward held a meeting in McAlpin's 
Hall in Wyandotte where they heard that the first section of 40 
miles was ready for rails, and that 84 bridges along the line, in- 
cluding the bridge over the Kansas river, were all nearly completed. 
Later that month an excursion party of ladies and gentlemen from 
Wyandotte took a ride to Muncietown on the railroad and had a 
picnic dinner in the woods. 

12. National Archives, "Journal of Letters Received Lands and Railroads," December 
7, 1863. 

13. Hallett characteristically announced a celebration feast for the employees upon the 
completion of grading the first section of 40 miles. Among the delicacies to be consumed 
on the occasion were 500 tins of oysters. Western Journal of Commerce, November 21, 

14. Daily Tribune, Lawrence, August 28, 1864. 


At the annual meeting of the stockholders at the office of the 
company in Leavenworth in April, John D. Perry, president of the 
Exchange Bank, of St. Louis, was elected president of the railroad 
in place of John C. Fremont, who was also dropped as a director. 
The same day another set of directors met at Leavenworth and 
elected its officers with General Fremont as president. 

At the railroad meeting at McAlpin's Hall, Hallett discussed his 
difficulty with General Fremont who headed this rival organization 
of directors within the corporate structure. It seems that this crowd 
based its claim on the possession of certain stocks subscribed by 
J. C. Stone of Leavenworth, who was also a director of the Omaha 
group. The previous December the company had assessed a pay- 
ment of ten percent on all stock and neither Stone nor the holders 
of this stock paid the assessment, and under the terms of the charter 
such delinquents had no right to vote. It was also disclosed that 
Hallett had since acquired the stock from Stone, had then paid the 
assessment, the company had ratified the transfer, and he had be- 
come the bona fide holder of the stock. Hallett said that the as- 
sociates of Fremont had prevented an amicable settlement. By the 
purchase of Stone's interest, Hallet became the owner of most of the 
stock of the company. 

The editor of the Kansas City (Mo.) Journal of Commerce was 
vitally interested in progress of the railroad. On April 5, 1864, he 

The inherent difficulties of the work itself are great. The country is denuded 
of labor, so that the workmen have had to be brought mainly from Canada. 
Wages are high; lumber, iron, locomotives, cars, etc., all cost more than ever 
before. The road is unconnected with any other completed railroad, and is at 
so great a distance from iron manufacturers that the transportation of rails is 
not only a tedious but a costly job. . . . But in addition to all this they 
[Hallett & Co.] have had the most vexatious and harassing opposition from 
outside parties to contend with. Suit after suit has been brought against them 
their iron attached, their means locked up by injunctions, and every species of 
legal persecution practiced against them. We have now before us the printed 
briefs of a suit now pending in New York that reveal a species of opposition 
which, we venture to say, railroad enterprises in this country have very rarely 
encountered. So far, the parties prosecuting the work have triumphed over 
every difficulty. 

He then quoted a letter from Secretary Usher and Postmaster Gen- 
eral Blair, to show that Hallett & Co. had the complete confidence 
and support of the government. 

Col. William C. McDowell also spoke at the railroad meeting, and 
the same editor summarized his remarks. As president of the old 
organization, the Leavenworth, Pawnee & Western railroad, he told 


of the failure of Ross, Steele & Co., the first contractors, to accom- 
plish any results through lack of capital and initiative. McDowell 
then went to New York to try to interest capitalists there in the 

He met a number of them at Delmonicos, and laid the project before them, 
but none of them would touch it. Kansas was too far away. It was a time of 
war. The road was on the very border. There was too much risk in it. He 
found no encouragement until he met Mr. [Samuel] Hallett. That gentleman 
investigated the project, became satisfied of its feasibility, and at once em- 
barked on it with all his might. He was the only man in New York who dared 
to risk his name and his money in the enterprise. It was due to his boldness 
and sagacity that we were indebted for the prospect now so fair of the suc- 
cessful carrying through of this great work. 15 

On July 1, 1864, Hallett sent letters with a beautiful engraved 
invitation to influential persons all over the country to attend the 
opening of the first section of 40 miles on the following August 18. 
Those who accepted were offered a free pass to Kansas and return, 
and would be met by a reception committee at Weston, Mo. It was 
evident that Hallett was intent on building on to meet the Cali- 
fornia section, then being constructed eastward from Sacramento. 
John Speer later remembered that Hallett had said, "I hope to live 
to ride on this road to the Pacific but if my life should be lost, my 
brothers will push the work as if I lived. 16 

The law under which the Pacific railroads were being built was 
amended by congress on July 2, 1864, to increase the land granted 
to 12,800 acres of land per each mile of right-of-way east of the 
Rocky Mountains, double the amount of land granted by the original 
act. The railroads were also allowed to issue first mortgage bonds 
in amounts equal to the government bonds, the latter to be a second 
lien on the railroad property. The act also required construction of 
the branch line from Lawrence to Leavenworth and directed that 
the right-of-way be built to the north bank of the river opposite 
Lawrence and Topeka, and in effect, the first railroad to reach the 
100th degree of longitude was given the right of way to build west- 
ward to connect with the Central Pacific then building eastward 
from California. Hallett & Co. was influential in securing this leg- 
islation which made investment in the land-grant railroad much 
more attractive to investors and the future growth of the railroad 
seemed secure. 

In Lawrence, where Hallett was advertising for more men to lay 
rails, the Daily Tribune announced a railroad meeting the following 
night to "give this Railroad King of the West a joyous greeting." 

15. Kansas City Journal of Commerce, April 9, 1864. 

16. Kansas Daily Tribune, Lawrence, July 28, 1864. 


The following evening Hallett discussed the great celebration of 
August 18 and asked the city to furnish four committees to promote 
the occasion: (1) To locate the depot; (2) To procure workmen 
for the railroad; (3) To secure a large attendance from southern 
Kansas; (4) Ladies to provide for the large number of expected 
visitors. These plans were enthusiastically adopted, and a few days 
later 150 men were laying rails near Sarcoxie. 17 If this progress 
seems modest, it must be remembered that the Civil War made such 
material and labor hard to obtain. 

At this point fate intervened. On July 27, Hallett was shot in the 
back by an embittered former employee, Orlando Talcott, near the 
company offices on Third street in Wyandotte. Talcott had been 
sent to Wyandotte as chief engineer by Fremont, and at the down- 
fall of the general, had been replaced by Hallett & Co. It appears 
that Talcott retaliated by sending an unfavorable report of the 
manner of constructing the road-bed by the Halletts to the govern- 
ment, which was required to inspect and accept the road in 40-mile 
sections, before the railroad could draw the government bonds of 
$16,000 per mile allowed by law. All accounts agree that Samuel 
Hallett left instructions to kick Talcott out of the company office if 
he called there again. A few days later Thomas Hallett, a brother 
and a burly fellow, spanked Talcott and literally threw him out of 
the office, taking a pistol away from Talcott in the process. 

Talcott brooded over his wrongs and planned to have revenge on 
Hallett. 18 

John D. Cruise, a prominent figure in early Wyandotte, was an 
eye witness to the murder, and pictures the tragic scene. 

Samuel Hallett was sitting by me at the dinner table at the Garno House, 
remarking as he rose to go, "I will leave a telegram at your office; do not hurry 
your meal; it is not important." He crossed the street to write the message 
it was a very warm day, and he recrossed to get his umbrella, and started north 
on Third Street toward the general offices, which were in what was known as 
the Brick Block. ... He had gone half a block, spoke to persons sitting 
in front of Holcomb's drug store, Talcott among the rest, for he was a very 
affable, gentlemanly man. Talcott, after he had passed, raised the heavy 
repeating rifle which he carried and shot him in the back. Talcott had been 
in my office just before noon, and I had asked him to dine with me, but he 
refused. Jack Beaton, John M. Funk, the mayor, and myself had just finished 
our meal and saw the whole proceeding. We all ran to the scene, picked up 
Hallett, and carried him back to the Garno House, but he expired before we 
reached the hotel. The bullet cut the strap of his white duck trousers and 
lodged in his abdomen near the navel, but did not pass through. He exclaimed, 
"My God. My God!" Talcott instantly mounted his horse which he had 

17. Ibid., July 19, 20, 22, 1864. 

18. Cruise, loc. cit., p. 538; Wyandotte Gazette, July 30, 1864. 


hitched conveniently, and rode off towards Quindaro, where he lived at the 
time. Because of the enmity towards Hallett by many of the people living at 
Quindaro, the hunt for Talcott was impeded and he was never apprehended. 
He stopped for a few moments at his home [at Quindaro] and rode on into 
oblivion, although a large reward had been offered for his arrest. 19 

Sabin quoted a government report which appraised Hallett as "a 
man of genius, of boundless energy and enthusiasm, fertile in ex- 
pedients, bold and prompt in action. Had he lived he would have 
been a master spirit in the construction of the Union Pacific Rail- 
way, and probably one of the leading railroad men of the coun- 
try." 20 

To follow the history of the U. P. E. D. after Hallett's death re- 
quires a look at the financing of the company so that the actions and 
motives of various parties may be understood. After coming into 
the railroad as financial agent of Fremont, Hallett had been em- 
ployed on November 7, 1863, to construct the entire line of road 
by the board of directors. 

Later he acquired 99,800 more shares of the capital stock of the 
Leavenworth, Pawnee and Western from James C. Stone and A. J. 
Isaacs. This made him virtually owner of the corporation, leaving 
only a few shares held by the other directors. 21 Besides the pur- 
chase of stock, he paid $625,000 into the railroad to create an op- 
erating fund. 22 In order to obtain more working capital, he went 
to John D. Perry, president of the Exchange Bank of St. Louis. By 
written agreements dated February 22, 1864, Perry agreed to loan 
$750,000, of which $250,000 was to be advanced for the construction 
of the first 40-mile section, this sum to be repaid when the govern- 
ment accepted the section, the government bonds then to be avail- 
able to cover the debt. To secure this fund, Hallett was required to 
pledge one- third of all shares standing in his name (38,163 shares) 
and Perry was to get one-fourth of two-thirds of all the profits of 
Hallett's construction contract, but Perry was to have no control of 
the building of the road. 23 

At Perry's suggestion, Hallett had secured $150,000 more from 
John How, Adolphus Meier, and Giles F. Filley, three St. Louis 
merchants who were eager to get into the enterprise, but Hallett 
had to pledge 61,637 more shares of stock. 24 Hallett was also forced 

19. "Criminal Appearance Docket," case No. 104, district court of Wyandotte county, 

20. Sabin, op. cit., pp. 88, 89. 

21. Allegation in "Stevens vs. Kansas Pacific Railway," see Footnote 5. 

22. Allegation in "Hallett's Heirs vs. Kansas Pacific Railway Company" in Supreme 
Court of United States, 1879. 

23. Hallet-Perry contracts, in "John Byers Anderson Papers," manuscript division, Kan- 
sas State Historical Society. 

24. Case No. 731, "Court Files," district court of Wyandotte county, Kansas. 


to commission Thomas C. Durant, vice-president of the Union Pa- 
cific Railroad Company, as financial agent of the U. P. E. D., for 
which Durant was to take another one-fourth of two-thirds of Hal- 
lett's construction profits. 25 

Hallett was just 36 years old when he was slain, and his wife, Ann 
Eliza, with his children, were traveling in Europe. 26 The day after 
his death, John L. Hallett, a brother, told the press: "I shall push 
the work with as much vigor as ever. Shall pay on Saturday night/' 
A few days later a delegation from Lawrence went out to the end 
of the road to confer with the surviving Hallett brothers, John L. 
and Thomas, about the approaching celebration. They had to go 
on to Wyandotte where after a consultation the festivity was post- 
poned, due to the death of Samuel Hallett and the want of proper 
coaches. 27 

Perry's agents met Mrs. Hallett when she disembarked at New 
York and got her to renounce the right to finish her husband's con- 
struction contract and to surrender it to the railroad. 28 Thereupon 
Perry, as president of the company, discharged the Hallett brothers, 
who with the help of Durant, as a surviving partner, were trying to 
lay rails on the last four miles of the first section. Immediately the 
business of building the road ground to a halt. Workmen had to 
sue to collect their wages. So many small suits were filed that at- 
torneys had their pleadings printed with a few blank spaces only 
needing to be filled in. 

On August 21 Perry came out to Lawrence for another railroad 
meeting. He reminded the citizens of the resolution of January 6 
and read a letter of Senator Lane to Hallett that ended with: "The 
City of Lawrence to pay the additional cost of that part of the grade 
you are compelled to vacate, and the additional expense of the 
grade per mile that the new route costs over and above the old 
route." The inevitable committee was appointed to deal with this 
matter. 29 

Perry wrote shortly afterward: "Mrs. Hallett will be here on Mon- 
day or Tuesday with Geo. McDowell. I know not what I can do 
with her. I have the road under my control, all the Hallett [s] left 
[of] it." 30 

25. Contract in National Archives, Railroad Package No. 80. 

26. Daily Tribune, Lawrence, July 30, 1864; allegation in "Hallett's Heirs vs. Kansas 
Pacific," supra. 

27. Daily Tribune, Lawrence, July 29, August 3, 1864. 

28. Perry to Anderson, September 18, 1864, "Anderson Papers," loc. cit.; also allega- 
tion in "Hallett's Heirs vs. Kansas Pacific," supra. 

29. Daily Tribune, August 21, 1864. 

30. See Footnote 28. 


Perry's agents brought Mrs. Hallett to Wyandotte and had her 
appointed administratrix of her husband's estate although neither 
of the Halletts were residents of Kansas. They provided an attor- 
ney, John K. Hale, who was a director of the railroad and a partner 
of Allison B. Bartlett, who represented Perry in the ensuing litiga- 
tion. Mrs. Hallett was induced to appoint Hale as her attorney-in- 
fact and through him relinquished the valuable contract to construct 
the railroad and, being persuaded that Hallett was bankrupt, filed 
an inventory showing Hallett's estate to have assets of only $4,414.71, 
listing only tools and cheap equipment of no use to anyone but the 
railroad company. 31 

Perry sued Hallett's estate and Hale accepted service for Mrs. 
Hallett who was "temporarily out of the state." How, Meier, and 
Filley also sued under the same conditions. Perry got judgment for 
$264,250 which included interest, then had the 38,163 shares he held 
as security appraised for $290.85 and the shares were auctioned at 
sheriff's sale to the railroad for $287.73 which sum was duly credited 
in Hallett's estate against Perry's judgment. In the suit of John 
How, et. al, $462.28 was bid for 61,637 shares. Judgment was taken 
in both suits on April 11, 1865, and the sheriff's sale was held on 
August 14. So the railroad took all of Hallett's pledged stock for 
$740.01, or for about three-fourths of a cent per share. At the same 
time John Byers Anderson was buying stock from the railroad com- 
pany and paying its full par value of $50.00 a share. 32 

This legal chicanery was perpetrated at the expense of all the 
urgency to build to keep ahead of the Nebraska railroad so Perry 
and the investors at St. Louis could make a killing. It wasn't until 
April 25, 1865, that Perry could file an affidavit that the first section 
of 40 miles had been completed. 33 A few days later President John- 
son appointed commissioners to examine the road, who made a 
favorable report on May 5, 1865, although they noted certain de- 
fects and that the railroad must count the 1.77 miles of the spur 
track to Wyandotte in order to have a whole section of 40 miles. 34 

Fate again intervened. John P. Usher, who had been quite 
friendly to the road and at one time expected to be its president, 
had resigned from the cabinet several months earlier and left the 
Department of the Interior on May 15. He was succeeded by Sen. 
James Harlan, of Iowa, who naturally favored the company about 

31. "Estate of Samuel Hallett," deceased, probate court of Wyandotte county, Kansas. 
See, also, Footnote 22. 

32. Cases 731 and 732, "Court Files," district court of Wyandotte county, Kansas. 

33. "Journal of Letters Received Lands and Railroads," loc. cit. 

34. Simpson, op. cit., p. 90. 


to build the route through Nebraska, 35 where the first 20 miles of 
track was not reported laid until October 28, 1865. Perry and his 
friends had to conduct U. P. E. D. business with a government 
bureaucrat who had no desire to see them get ahead. Then, too, 
Usher became general solicitor for U. P. E. D. and Harlan disliked 
his cabinet predecessor intensely. So "red tape" in the current 
Washington fashion became a critical problem. 36 

Secretary Harlan after approving the report of the government 
commissioners reconsidered the matter and recommended that a 
re-examination be made by a new commission, to consist of a com- 
petent engineer to be selected by the Secretary of War, Harvey D. 
Scott of Terre Haute, and Governor Crawford, of Kansas. General 
McCallum, director and general manager of the military railroads, 
considered additional proofs concluding with a recommendation 
that the report of the former commissioners be accepted. This re- 
port was then certified to the treasury with a presidential endorse- 

In the meantime, the proponents of the Nebraska line were busy 
trying to delay approval by the government. Next the rival or- 
ganization in the U. P. E. D., headed by Edward Learned and E. R. 
Meade, his attorney, addressed the secretary claiming that the group 
represented by John D. Perry and John P. Usher were spurious di- 
rectors, and not entitled to the government subsidy. The secretary, 
taking heed of affairs in Kansas on September 7 asked that approval 
of the road be rescinded and new commissioners be appointed, due 
to the railroad bridge over the Kansas river near Wyandotte and 
certain portions of track having been swept away by recent storms. 
The President responded by appointing Lt. Col. James H. Simpson 
to serve with Harvey D. Scott and Governor Crawford. 37 

This board made a minute examination and an extended report 
unfavorable to the railroad, which was not signed by Governor 
Crawford, who addressed President Andrew Johnson by letter dated 
October 13, 1865. July, August, and September were 
memorable for singular and disastrous succession of heavy rains, destructive 
storms and fearful tornadoes. On the 21st of August last, one of the most 
violent and destructive swept over an immense range. . . . 

In the City of Leavenworth on one occasion many houses were swept into 
the Missouri river, carrying with them men, women and children, a number of 
whom were drowned. 

35. Harlan as senator and member of a select committee had effectively promoted the 
interests of the main line through Iowa and Nebraska in the acts of 1862 and 1864. See 
John P. Davis, The Union Pacific Railway (Chicago, 1894), pp. 102, 119. 

36. Harlan to Perry, ibid., p. 105. 

37. Ibid., p. 93. 


In consequence . . . the Union Pacific Railroad suffered greatly. Por- 
tions of the track were temporarily damaged, bridges, ties and other property 
carried away and destroyed, all of which have been repaired except the bridge 
over the Kansas River near its mouth, and upon this work is going on and will 
be completed before the Missouri Pacific road is extended to the State line 
which is necessary to form the junction. 38 

About this time the Daily Tribune of Lawrence reported that 
there were good omens for the future of the railroad for it had pur- 
chased two passenger coaches and another engine and that there 
was a large shipment of rails at Weston. This may have helped 
satisfy one of the objections by the government. 39 

Perry was authorized by the board of directors to use the expected 
government subsidy to deal with the dissident directors led by Fre- 
mont and Learned. 

On November 6 William J. Palmer, secretary and treasurer of the 
railroad, reported that he had assigned $200,000 in bonds to Fre- 
mont's agent, that he had disposed of Learned at Washington and 
that Durant's resistance had been ineffectual. 40 Perry felt that the 
settlement was a master-stroke, for the assignment of bonds when 
received by the company, would bind the Fremont group to support 
the future interests of the railroad. 

Also, the company employed the Robert M. Shoemaker Company 
to build the rest of the road. This group agreed to build the 
branch line from Leavenworth to Lawrence for $600,000 in first 
mortgage bonds, plus $250,000 in Leavenworth county bonds, plus 
$22,000 per mile in full paid capital stock. 41 

At a conference with the President and Harlan in October, Perry 
and his associates consented to make whatever changes and im- 
provements in the right-of-way and equipment required by the 
government. The first section was then finally accepted. An addi- 
tional section of 20 miles was certified to be ready on November 11, 
1865, and was officially approved a month later, but the delay of 
16 months had allowed the Union Pacific in Nebraska to catch up, 
and the U. P. E. D. had lost the commanding lead over its rival, 
which had been secured by Hallett's enterprise. 42 

Mrs. Hallett delayed until 1873 to file suit against the Kansas 
Pacific railroad, successor of the U. P. E. D., in the circuit court of 
the United States at Leavenworth. By that time it was too late to 

38. Crawford to Andrew Johnson, October 13, 1865, in National Archives, Railroad 
Package Nos. 345, 346. Also contains original report of Scott and Simpson. 

39. Daily Tribune, October 29, 1864. 

40. Palmer to Anderson, November 6, 1865, "Anderson Papers," loc. cit. 

41. Union Pacific Railroad Co., E. D. Robert M. Shoemaker, et al., agreement, July 
1, 1865, ibid. 

42. A. T. Andreas and W. G. Cutler, History of the State of Kansas (Chicago, 1883), 
p. 246. 


complain of fraudulent actions that had been a matter of record 
nine years earlier. She itemized the value of her husband's estate 
to the aggregate of 15 million dollars, all of which the railroad had 
fraudulently taken from her. The allegations of the suit are quite 
interesting, but many details not mentioned herein are not suscep- 
tible to verification now. The Union Pacific Railroad Company 
simply does not now permit research in its archives and I do not 
know what careful inquiry there would disclose, if anything at all. 
Mrs. Hallett's suit was lost by demurrer at Leavenworth and the 
supreme court affirmed this judgment in 1879. 

It is always great fun to speculate on what might have been had 
Hallett survived. Of course, such a presumption is productive of 
nothing, but it certainly requires no great stretch of imagination to 
visualize Hallett, with his great energy and resources driving the 
road out to the one hundredth meridian before his rivals in Ne- 
braska, and then forging on with friendly government help to join 
with the Central Pacific of California; for the Nebraska road did not 
reach the 100th meridian until more than two years after Hallett's 

John J. Ingalls might well have had this Kansas railroad in mind 
when he wrote the immortal sonnet on lost "Opportunity ." 

Gateways to the Promised Land 



FOR a brief while, in 1893, southern Kansas was the focus of 
attention throughout the United States. Thousands of people 
flocked to the area. Correspondents for the great Eastern news- 
papers were present, sending out dozens of dispatches daily. The 
cause of this tremendous interest was the opening of the Cherokee 
strip, Indian territory, to settlement. 

Elsewhere in the United States lay millions of uninhabited acres, 
but the interest was in this strip of land roughly 58 by 150 miles 
where the very atmosphere was reputed to be "electric and 
full of life-giving properties." 1 

There were many reasons for this interest in the Cherokee out- 
let, or "strip," as it was called. Perhaps the greatest was that the 
land was forbidden. It had been supposed it would be the home 
of the Indian forever. Three railroads crossed it, but no settle- 
ment was permitted within it. The areas to the north and south 
were well populated. The homesteader wished to save the strip 
for civilization; he wished to break the power of the great cattle- 
men's combine, which, until 1890, had been using it. The railroads 
wished to see it settled, in order to increase their own profit. 

The southern border towns of Kansas of course saw possibilities 
for great financial gain. They saw the strip as a vast new trade 
territory which would necessarily be dependent upon them for 
goods and services of all types. They also, expected the advent 
of many new residents preferably "capitalists." 

When the Indian appropriation bill of March 3, 1893, was 
finally approved by congress, it contained the legislation necessary 
to carry out the cession of the Cherokee outlet from the Cherokee 
nation to the federal government, to pay the Cherokee nation the 
sum agreed upon, $8,595,736.12 and to open the lands to public 
settlement. Specifically, the outlet was a strip of land directly 
south of and parallel to the southern Kansas border, bounded on 

MRS. JEAN C. LOUGH, who received an M. A. degree in history at Colorado University, 
Boulder, in 1958, is a resident of Arkansas City. 

1. W. S. Prettyman, Indian Territory: A Frontier Photographic Record, selected and 
edited by Robert E. Cunningham (Norman, University of Oklahoma Press, 1957), p. 120. 



the east by the Arkansas river and on the west by Beaver county 
and Texas. To the south were the Cheyenne and Arapaho reserva- 
tions, the Creek nation, and the territory of Oklahoma or "old 

"Old Oklahoma" had been settled in 1889, ten years after the 
first boomers came to sit upon the Kansas border and gaze at Indian 
territory with longing eyes. David L. Payne, the boomer's most 
militant leader, had been fond of quoting "The Lord commandeth 
unto Moses: Go forth and possess the Promised Land," and it 
became the watchword of the boomer campaign. 2 Naturally, the 
presence of an area of land in the middle of Indian territory, 
unassigned to any one tribe, had invited the greed of the land- 
hungry. Once this land was opened, most of the rest of the 
Indian's "permanent" home quickly went, piece by piece. Two 
years later the boomers were again camped on the Kansas border, 
looking southward, and the congress of the United States was in 
the process of negotiating for the cession of the Cherokee outlet. 

The outlet was not actually occupied by Cherokee Indians. It 
had been Comanche and Kiowa territory, 3 which had been taken 
from them by the government and given to the Cherokees, in 
exchange for lands taken from the Cherokees in Georgia. The 
Cherokee nation resided upon a rectangular tract to the east of the 
outlet. The outlet gave them access to the hunting grounds to 
the west. For several years it had been leased by cattlemen for 
the grazing of their herds. These cattlemen, united in the Cherokee 
Strip Livestock Association, as well as the railroads, had tried 
unsuccessfully to buy the strip. The federal government had pro- 
hibited it. 

Public opinion had become so strong, however, for the opening 
of the strip to settlement that the government eventually renounced 
its treaties with the Indians, and virtually forced them to sell. 
The official position was that the support which the Five Civilized 
Tribes (erstwhile owners of Negro slaves) had given the Con- 
federate cause during the Civil War had automatically abrogated 
the treaties made with the tribes. 

When the news reached Kansas that settlement had finally been 
arranged with the Indians for the cession of the outlet, the Weekly 
Republican Traveler, of Arkansas City, said: 

2. Ibid., p. 10 

3. Marquis James, The Cherokee Strip: A Tale of an Oklahoma Boyhood (New York, 
Viking Press, 1945), p. 10. 


For years a little band of faithful men in this city have worked in season 
and out of season for the consummation of the end which we are celebrating 
today. Money has been expended in large sums in a legitimate way and 
the rewards of these sacrificing men have too often been curses and mis- 
representation. . . . 4 

Now there was hope of more substantial rewards. 

The little town of Hunnewell was already receiving benefits. 
During the early 1890's, after the government had ordered all 
cattle removed from the strip, thousands of head of cattle were 
driven to the stockyards at Hunnewell for shipment to market or 
to other grazing grounds. There was a Santa Fe branch line 
terminus at Hunnewell, and the Frisco built an extension down 
from South Haven, three miles to the north. 5 The population of 
the town multiplied. It was a roaring cowtown in the tradition 
of the earlier shipping centers. 

The nation of course expected an immediate Presidential procla- 
mation setting the time of the opening of the strip, but it was slow 
in coming. Details needed to be taken care of, and an attempt was 
made to find a more satisfactory method of settlement than the 
"run" system used in the three previous openings. 

While the government was studying, railroads and southern 
Kansas towns were acting. Promotion went into high gear. 
Boomer literature was printed and widely distributed. Business- 
men's clubs and committees raised funds for advertising, and 
solicited names of people to whom they could send literature. 
Maps of the strip sold for 15 cents apiece. The homesteaders 
began arriving in increasing numbers. 

Part of the influx was due to the Panic of 1893. Money was 
scarce. Banks were closing. Farm prices were dwindling steadily. 
The farmers of Kansas were in revolt, and were upsetting Kansas' 
political traditions by voting for Populist candidates instead of 
Republicans. The great boom of the 1880*8 had burst, and con- 
tinued drought, small crops, and low prices, coupled with mortgage 
foreclosures, caused many to seek cheap land and a new start. 
The boomers were sometimes able to earn a little money by work- 
ing for the farmers in the region, but more often they had to rely 
upon hunting and fishing to sustain them while they waited. 

The Kansas towns which were closest to the border and the 
most likely to be the nucleus for would-be-settlers were Arkansas 

4. Weekly Republican Traveler, Arkansas City, March 9, 1893. 

5. Homer S. Chambers, The Enduring Rock (Blackwell, Okla., Blackwell Publications 
Inc., 1954), p. 12. 


City, Gale, Hunnewell, South Haven, Kiowa, Anthony, and Ash- 
land. Of these, Arkansas City and Caldwell had by far the greatest 
attraction. The two main-line railroads which crossed the strip 
were the Santa Fe at Arkansas City, and the Rock Island at Cald- 
well. The best land was at the eastern end of the strip, priced 
at $2.50 an acre. West of the meridian of 97 30' it sold for $1.50 
an acre, and west of 98 30' at $1.00 an acre the latter figure 
25 cents an acre less than the government paid the Indians for it. 
Arkansas City had a population in 1893 of 9,264 people, an in- 
crease of almost 1,000 since 1892. Caldwell had 2,138 residents 
in 1893, an increase of around 140 persons. Doubtless these in- 
creases were attributable to the arrival of the earliest boomers, 
who found jobs and settled into the community, and the arrival 
of new businesses, preparing to take advantage of the great crowds 
expected and the anticipated business. 

It was on August 19, 1893, that Cleveland finally issued the 
long-awaited Presidential proclamation. The strip was to be 
opened to settlement at 12 noon, September 16, 1893. The "run" 
system was to be used. At a given signal all participants would 
rush forward, and the first person to arrive at a location could 
drive a stake bearing his flag and lay claim to that homestead. 

In an effort to prevent fraud, especially by people crossing the 
line sooner than the legal opening time, nine booths were to be 
erected five on the Kansas border and four on the border of 
Old Oklahoma where people were to register and receive certifi- 
cates. These certificates were to be shown before legal entry could 
be made to the strip on opening day, and they must also be shown 
when filing claims. The booths were to open on September 11, 
remain open ten hours a day, and continue until closed by order 
of the secretary of the Department of the Interior. Three officers 
were to work in each booth. 

In order to be eligible for a homestead, a person must be 21 
years of age or the head of a family: this caused a few hasty 
marriages. He (or she) must be a citizen of the United States, 
or have declared his intention of becoming one, must not have 
exhausted his homestead right, and must not be a "sooner" 
one who crossed the line too soon. 6 A married woman could not 
take her land if her husband did. No restrictions were put on 
registrants because of race. 

6. James D. Richardson, A Compilation of the Messages and Papers of the Presidents, 
1789-1902 (Washington, Bureau of National Literature and Art, 1905), v. 9, p. 417. 


Certain areas were withheld from the public settlement. A 
maximum of 70 allotments were open to members of the Cherokee 
nation 68 being finally approved. Land was set aside for the 
Camp Supply military reservation, for the Chilocco Indian Indus- 
trial School, for four government land offices, and for county 
courthouses, schools, parks, universities, agricultural colleges, and 
other public purposes. 7 

The area had already been divided into counties, given tempo- 
rary alphabetical designations (K through Q), and county-seat 
locations had been established. A strip of land 100 feet wide 
around and immediately within the outer boundaries of the entire 
Cherokee strip was set apart for opening purposes, to allow the 
people to assemble without impediment just before the run. 

Soldiers were patrolling the borders as well as the interior of 
the strip, looking for sooners. The railroads were also guarded, 
but the number of soldiers available was totally inadequate for 
the magnitude of the job at hand. Many, many sooners slipped 
through. Those who were caught were escorted out of the territory, 
sometimes held in custody until after the run, and they lost their 
right to homestead upon the strip. A few sooners were killed 
by the soldiers. Some of the soldiers could be bribed, however. 
One man paid a soldier $25 to hide him in a hole on a claim the 
Friday night before the opening. He emerged at 12 noon, Saturday, 
and found four other men had already staked on the claim. 8 

After the Presidential proclamation setting the date for the 
opening of the strip, migration increased tremendously. The 
New York Times carried an article from Topeka, on September 
5, saying that the "movement toward the Cherokee Strip is in- 
creasing all the time. There has been a daily average of 100 teams 
passing through this city, with from two to six men to the team. 
This has lasted now two weeks, and it is yet nearly two weeks 
until the opening." It added that the first newspaper in the strip 
would be a daily at Perry, to be published by a John W. Jacks 
of Missouri, "who has his presses and materials already there." 
At least 60 newspaper plants in Kansas were reported to be boxed 
up and ready for shipment to the newly-settled territory. Twenty 
of these were said to be headed for Perry, which was believed 
by many to be "the coming city." 

Along the border, stores were selling out their stocks and re- 
ordering almost daily. Prices were not higher in Kansas, but 

7. Ibid., pp. 409-411. 

8. Weekly Republican Traveler, October 26, 1893. 


Guthrie, Indian territory, reported shortages of supplies and prices 
rising. 9 Milk sold regularly for five cents a quart, bread for five 
cents a loaf, eggs for five or ten cents a dozen, and coffee from 25 
to 30 cents a pound. 10 

The Weekly Republican Traveler of Arkansas City increased in 
size from four to eight pages. The Caldwell News said bluntly on 
September 7: "We are too full of strip business to pay much 
attention to politics till the gates swing open to the promised land/' 

The post office at Arkansas City had to put on three extra men 
to handle and distribute the mail. 11 Bakers at Wichita were work- 
ing overtime to furnish bread to Caldwell, Kiowa, and Hunnewell, 
where the great number of boomers was causing a shortage. 12 

Warnings were issued to watch out for pickpockets and thugs 
of all kinds, as the towns were full of them. Many and bitter were 
the protests of having been taken at the old shell game. 

Horses were put into training, and there were some complaints 
about racing through and near the towns. Harness was tested 
and strengthened, and wagons were gone over and repaired. An 
enterprising man from Wichita brought down a carload of horses 
to sell. 13 

Farmers received many requests from homesteaders wishing 
to camp upon their lands. One man built a temporary house with 
its door on the state line, so that he would be ready to go at a 
moment's notice. 14 The campers were so thick along the border, 
and the weather so dry, that the soil was eventually churned to 
dust. Water was soon very scarce; wells were pumped dry, and 
streams and water holes dried up. Washing was almost an im- 
possibility. Water sold for a dime a cup. 

Once the registration was begun, hardships multiplied. The 
booths opened only five days before the run was to be made. 
Thousands of people stood in line before each booth, day and 
night, awaiting their turns. The heat was intense, and numerous 
cases of heat prostration and sunstroke, with some deaths, were 
reported. Those who had families could rely on them to bring 
food and water, which was often shared with others in the line. 

9. New York Times, September 14, 1893. 

10. Chambers, op. cit. 

11. Arkansas Valley Democrat, Arkansas City, September 1, 1893. 

12. Jennie Small Owen, annalist, The Annals of Kansas 1886-1925 (Topeka, Kansas 
State Historical Society, 1954), v. 1, p. 156. 

13. Martha Jefferson Boyce, History in the Making: A Story of the Cherokee Strip 
(Beatrice, Neb., Franklin Press, 1948), p. 6. 

14. Weekly Republican Traveler, March 16, 1893. 


Women were usually ushered to the head of the line, the last piece 
of chivalry most of them were to see for some time. 

In spite of all precautions, fraud was still possible at the booths. 
People joined the registrations lines, only to sell their places for 
from five to 25 dollars. Many certificates were sold or obtained 
in other illegal manners. Some of the soldiers guarding the booths 
were bribed to take registrants in the back door; booth officials 
sometimes obliged acquaintances by selling them certificates after 
hours, in the hotels. At Orlando, Oklahoma territory, the registration 
booths were robbed of certificates and the official stamp, and by 
the next morning thousands of forged certificates were on the 
market. 15 

The cattlemen had a meeting in Arkansas City on September 14, 
and sent a wire to President Cleveland protesting the booth system 
of registration as carried on at Booth No. 9, south of Arkansas 
City. The wire said, in part: "7,000 people are now in line and 
thousands more arrive on each train. A conflict between parties 
that are not registered and the troops is imminent unless the system 
is abandoned. . . . The conduct of the soldiers at Booth # 9 
is despicable. . . ." 16 

That same day between 4,000 and 5,000 persons were in line 
before the booth at Caldwell. Hunnewell reported being "over- 
pressed," also. Orlando, Indian territory, had around 22,000 
boomers, and the intense heat and bad water caused an epidemic 
of dysentery there. 17 Many people had shipped their horses, 
bedding, and camping equipment by railroad from Kansas, across 
the strip, in hopes of finding less crowded conditions and having 
a better chance in the run from there. 

The Cherokees sent a telegram to Secretary of the Interior Hoke 
Smith requesting permission to put well diggers to work on the 
Indian allotments "that water may be in readiness for the crowds 
that will run into the new country on Saturday, and who will 
certainly suffer intensely from thirst." 18 The request was denied. 

The appeal for help on the registration problem was heeded, 
however. Extra booths were opened and many new clerks were 
added, in a last minute attempt to alleviate the hardships of 

Among the hundreds of people arriving daily were several special 

15. New York Times, September 17, 1893. 

16. Ibid., September 15, 1893. 

17. Ibid. 

18. Ibid. 


groups with plans for establishing colonies of their own. One 
such group was comprised of 500 Presbyterians, reportedly on its 
way from Colorado. 

Two hundred Scandinavians arrived in Arkansas City under the 
management of one Oscar Johnson of McPherson county. Their 
colony was chartered by the state of Kansas. 19 

Annette Daisy was also on hand. She had taken an active part 
in the three former openings. This time she organized a colony 
of single women, widows, and spinsters, dedicated to the purpose 
of building a community "across the sacred borders of which no 
man shall pass/' 20 Thirty-four women had signed up by open- 
ing time. 

In Guthrie, a colony of several hundred Negroes arrived. Each 
one of them had a printed certificate granting him a farm upon 
his arrival. These certificates had been bought in Louisiana for 
ten dollars apiece, and were obviously worthless. 21 

Other people had bought tickets entitling them to draw for the 
land, paying several dollars for that privilege which was not to 
be granted. 

Many of the people who traveled to the Kansas border before 
the opening day became disgusted with the crowds, the registration 
procedure, the dust and hot winds, and returned to their former 
homes. Their places were quickly filled by new arrivals. For- 
tunately, although the settlers had come from almost every part 
of the United States and from abroad, the great majority of them 
were from the Middle West, particularly Kansas, where climatic 
and drought conditions were not too different from those of the 
"promised land." These people were better able to endure the 
hardships prior to the opening. 

On September 14, 1893, a Rock Island train crossing the strip 
was attacked, and despite desperate resistance from the trainmen, 
the Pullman cars were robbed of all their ice and water. The train 
crew was reported to bear the marks of fierce fighting. 22 

Thirsty sooners were not the only desperadoes loose in the strip. 
The Dalton and Starr gangs were making their headquarters there 
as well as many less well-known train and bank robbers. Trains 
were frequently held up, and the gunmen appeared in Kansas 
boldly and apparently at will. 

19. Ibid., September 15, 1893. 

20. Ibid., September 17, 1893. 

21. Ibid., September 15, 1893. 

22. Ibid., September 15, 1893. 


On the day before the run a scout appeared in Arkansas City, 
having just come from the Osage country, and notified all the banks 
that the remnants of the Dalton-Starr gang were camped about 
30 miles south of the town. They were planning to rob the banks 
once the people had left town for the opening. A strong posse 
was organized to protect the banks, as almost the entire police 
force was going to make the run. The raid never actually took 
place. 23 

Hunnewell was having troubles of its own. A town of approxi- 
mately 250 people, it was greatly overrun. Waiting lines were 
everywhere, at the hotels, restaurants, stores, post office. Feeling 
ran very high when it was discovered that four race horses had 
been killed and seven others had been hamstrung. 24 There was 
strong suspicion that someone planning to make the race afoot was 

Violence and death were not unusual during these days. Men 
were killed for their money, or for their certificates. More often, 
they fought, and killed, over gambling, women, and even attempts 
to crash the waiting line at the registration booths. By far the vast 
majority of the boomers, however, were honest, hard-working 
people who behaved in an orderly manner until the run started. 

In Arkansas City the press seized its opportunity to extol the 
virtues of the town before a captive audience. Articles were printed 
enumerating the economic possibilities of the area, the water supply 
from two rivers, the three railroads, three newspapers, three mills, 
four banks, stockyards, streetcar lines, electric lights, and telephone 
exchange. The industries included a reclining chair factory, a can- 
ning factory, and makers of bricks, carriages, mattresses, and 
wind machines, as well as a wholesale grocery. 25 

As the Canal City Dispatch, of Arkansas City, said: "We have 
the location, the water power and everything else necessary to 
make a city. . . . people . . . will return . . . buy 
property. . . . Inside of the next year Arkansas City's popula- 
tion will be three times what it is at present. It will be the supply 
point for the south." 26 Fifty thousand people were in or near 
Arkansas City before the run was made. 

At Caldwell the press was also busy promoting the town. There 
was one gloomy note. The Caldwell Journal kept printing a notice 
saying: "We have on our books the names of a great many who 

23. Ibid., September 16, 1893. 

24. Caldwell News, September 14, 1893. 

25. Weekly Republican Traveler, May 11, 1893. 

26. Canal City Dispatch, Arkansas City, September 15, 1893. 


owe us from one or two dollars on subscription. In all it reaches 
several hundred dollars. Many of these men will go into the strip 
without thinking of paying us. We can't afford to lose this money 
and ask all to call at once and settle." 27 The editor finally solved 
his problem by selling the paper and going into the strip himself 
to live. 

For the last few days before the opening, prairie fires raged 
across the strip. Several sooners were believed to have burned 
to death. It was said that "If a crow attempted to fly the Cherokee 
Strip he'd have to take his own grub along." 28 A song was sung to 
the tune of "After the Ball Is Over": 

After the strip is opened, 

After the run is made, 
After the horses are buried 
After the debts are paid; 
Many a sucker'll be kicking, 

Many will have lost their grip, 
Many will wish they'd been hung, 
Ere going to the strip. 29 

At last the great day arrived. Well over 100,000 people were 
assembled on the northern and southern boundaries. For hours 
they waited; gambling, singing, praying even preaching. Finally, 
at 12 noon (five minutes earlier on the Hennessey stretch of line) 
a shot rang out and was relayed along the line from soldier to 
soldier. The eager settlers, straining their eyes, could see the puff 
of smoke from the distant rifle before they could hear the sound 
of the shot. All along the line the horses leaped forward, and the 
great race was on. The horsemen and bicyclists were easily in the 
lead, followed by the heavier carriages and wagons. In the rear 
were those who were going in afoot. In one place, at the first steep 
ravine an 18-foot embankment the bicyclists were forced to quit. 
The horsemen, unwilling to lose time by looking for a more favor- 
able spot to cross, in many cases leaped their horses down the 
embankment, often crippling them so that they had to be aban- 
doned. Clouds of dust obscured the vision of the strippers, and 
one heavy wagon, loaded with six men, was accidentally driven 
over the same embankment. One man on the wagon suffered a 
broken leg. 30 

27. Caldwell Journal, August 24, 1893. 

28. Chambers, op. cit., p. 22. 

29. Ibid., p. 23. 

30. New York Times, September 17, 1893. 


There were many accidents. People fell off horses and were in 
danger of being trampled in the rush. A Mrs. Charles Barnes of 
El Dorado was killed under a falling horse. 31 Several other women, 
some of whom rode "clothes-pin fashion" were also injured. 
Broken arms, legs, and necks were not uncommon. Some who 
didn't fall from horses or wagons, or drive off cliffs, managed to 
fall off the overloaded trains which made the run, or be accidentally 
shot in the uproar. Sooners were shot by soldiers, and at least one 
soldier was shot by a sooner. 32 

As the horsemen established a good lead over the rest of 
the boomers, some of them dismounted and set fire to the prairie, so 
that those behind them could not advance. Other fires were set 
by claimants trying to burn off the grass and uncover their 
boundary markers. A number of people were burned to death, 
including a colored man named Tom Jameson 33 and a Mrs. 
Elizabeth Osborne of Newton, Mo. 34 Some of those burned to 
death could not be identified. 

The fine race horses imported for the occasion did not hold 
up too well. They made good starts, but couldn't stand the distance 
or the terrain. Many dead horses littered the prairie the next day. 
One man had a most uncomfortable ride when his thoroughbred 
race horse became excited in all the turmoil and ran uncontrollably 
for 24 miles before dropping dead. 35 

The trains which made the run were jammed to the roof. At 
Caldwell, although very crowded, the business of loading the 
Rock Island trains proceeded in a fairly orderly manner. 

As tickets were procured, the purchaser passed on from the east to the west 
side of the tracks, received successive numbers, were put into companies under 
captains, and placed in position along the track ready, each company to 
board a car when the train came along. The train was made up of Montgomery 
Palace Cattle cars 35 cars and it was loaded with 5,200 persons who bought 
tickets and several hundred marshals and others, and officers of the road. 38 

In Arkansas City things did not go quite so well. The trains 
didn't pull out of the Santa Fe yards until long after 12 o'clock, 
and the jam then was terrible. "At least 15,000 people, including 
most of the population of Arkansas City, were there to board the 
trains. Special trains from Wichita, Winfield and other points came 

31. Weekly Republican Traveler, September 21, 1893. 

32. New York Times, September 17, 1893. 

33. Ibid. 

34. Canal City Dispatch, September 22, 1893. 

35. Weekly Republican Traveler, September 21, 1893. 

36. L. R. Elliott, as quoted in "The Greatest Race of the Century," The Kansas His- 
torical Quarterly, v. 23 (Summer, 1957), p. 207. 


in loaded with sightseers. . . . Engineers were instructed to run 
carefully, for it had been said attempts would be made to tamper 
with the trains/' 37 Already spikes and straps had been removed 
from the rails and bridges, but were fortunately discovered before 
any accidents resulted. Trains also made the run from the south. 

The trains had to stop at every station, and slow down or stop 
every five miles. They were forbidden to travel faster than 15 miles 
per hour. As a result, the men on horses arrived before the trains. 

Many of those who made the run by train were town lot seekers, 
or investors in town lot companies, such as the Ponca Town 
Company and the Cherokee Town Site Trust Company. 

At Orlando, Oklahoma territory, between 20,000 and 25,000 
people were gathered for the race to the town site of Perry a 
distance of ten miles. It took 45 minutes for the trains to get to 
Perry, and by that time there were approximately 1,000 horsemen 
there. By two in the afternoon there were 20,000 people in Perry, 
many of them without food or water. 38 

Some enterprising people made the run with improvised "water- 
wagons" and sold water for a dollar a bucket. Fortunately the 
weather was not as hot as earlier in the week. 

Besides the difficulties of the run itself, there were the sooners 
and the claim jumpers to deal with. The leaders of the race fre- 
quently arrived, on sweaty horses, at a likely spot, only to find 
someone already there, with an unmarked horse, sometimes plow- 
ing a field near a partially-erected house. A whole town was 
reported stolen by sooners. Men made the run from the east 
side, contrary to instructions. Many cases were later taken to court, 
but it was difficult to prove a man a sooner. Nearly every sooner 
had two friends to swear that his claim was legitimate and his 
certificate legal. 

In many cases men dropped out of the run and staked land 
unaware of the fact that someone else had already done so, or was 
doing so at that very moment. Some of these cases were settled on 
the spot, with a gun. Other claims were deliberately jumped. 

Alexander Gillespie was staking a claim near Arkansas City 
when another boomer with a Winchester rode up and dismounted 
upon the same claim. "We will play a game of checkers for it," said 
he. "I've jumped and it's your move." When he raised his Win- 
chester, Gillespie moved! 39 

37. Denver Republican, September 17, 1893. 

38. New York Times, September 17, 1893. 

39. Canal City Dispatch, September 22, 1893. 


An estimated 30,000 people made the run from Arkansas City, 
and 10,000 from Caldwell, with a number going in from other 
Kansas border towns and the Oklahoma territory. 40 By nightfall 
many of them were on their way out again. Some merely went in 
to see the show. Others were too late to stake a claim. 

While the excitement was going on in the Cherokee strip, the 
surrounding towns were practically deserted. The banks were 
closed and business was at a standstill. Everyone who possibly 
could had gone to see the run. However, within four hours of 
the start of the race, orders began to roll into Arkansas City for 
lumber and supplies. The eagerly awaited market had been opened. 

One of the most successful profiteers from the opening of the 
Cherokee strip was a lawyer who went into the strip several hours 
before the opening, but without attempting to get land. Instead, 
he collected evidence against some 200 or more sooners and had no 
trouble in getting "an army of clients." 41 

The local press was shocked at the depopulation created by 
the opening of the Cherokee strip to settlement, but was pleased 
that it had "at last been wrested from the powerful cattle syndicate 
which for many years held dominion over it and would permit 
no home-seekers." 42 

Throughout the nation, though, criticism was rising over the 
manner in which the run had been conducted, and over the idea 
of having a horse race with the stakes a part of the public domain. 
The New York Times editorialized on September 17: 

The whole trouble has arisen from the fact that our homestead laws have 
been bequeathed to us from a period when the Government and the Nation 
were greatly interested in making sure that the public domain was occupied and 
utib'zed. That period is past. What there is left of the public domain is a na- 
tional possession of great and increasing value that should be made to yield to 
the Public Treasury all that it is fairly worth. 

A homestead of 160 acres of the best land, which sold for $2.50 
an acre, would cost the settler around $516, including his fees and 
four percent interest for five years. 43 

The New York Times editorial expressed the current but curious 
view towards the Cherokee strip and public lands: 

The Cherokee Strip may be called the last remnant of the public domain. 
The United States of America do still own some land in various outlying 

40. New York Times, September 17, 1893. These figures coincide with those given in 
the local papers at the time. Recent figures are much greater, giving Arkansas City 
70,000 boomers. 

41. Canal City Dispatch, September 22, 1893. 

42. Arkansas Valley Democrat, September 22, 1893. 

43. Ibid, September 8, 1893. 


parts, but this is the last great tract that is thrown open to settlement. It 
is upon that count the more disgraceful and calamitous that the settlement 
of it should be attended by the outrageous scenes that have been witnessed 
during the last few days, and that are likely to be followed by scenes more 
disgraceful still. 

To back up this prophecy, the Times carried a front page story 
on September 19, with numerous titles and subtitles as follows: 

Baptism of Blood and Fire. 

Flaming Passions and Prairies 

in Cherokee Strip. 

Homemakers Abandoning their Outfits and Fleeing for Their Lives Thou- 
sands of Them Hastening Back from What a Few Days Ago Was the 
Promised Land Tent Towns Demolished by a Fierce Gale A Harvest 
of Corpses Quarrels of Racers and "Sooners." 

Conditions were bad, but it is doubtful if they were that bad! 
Many boomers did leave the strip very quickly. The weather, the 
burned-over earth, and the apparently endless winds encouraged 
the less resolute to leave. Some managed to sell their claims 
before filing, and turn a quick profit. Others were not so fortunate. 
Claims were advertised for sale in the local newspapers. 

Perhaps the most frustrating experience was that of Jacob Loren- 
son. An article in the Canal City Dispatch on September 22 said: 

Jacob Lorenson is the name of the young man who cut his throat at Perry 
yesterday. He came here from Saginaw, Mich., and bought a lot for $500, 
which proved to be on the public square. He staked another lot for which 
he was offered $250 but refused the offer. It turned out that the lot was 
in the alley. Moneyless and discouraged, he cut his throat but was alive 
this morning, according to the report. 

One group of unsuccessful homesteaders a would-be colony 
from Illinois, which made the run on foot and secured nothing 
had this to say: "We are glad to get back. . . . We honestly 
would not take a claim in the new country as a gift now, after 
what we saw of the country and its people/' 44 

The trains running north out of the strip were overloaded. The 
railroads were doing exceedingly well, and continued to do so, for 
over their lines rolled the goods to build and stock not only stores 
but cities. Passenger trade was heavy, but as it slackened the 
freight trade increased. 

Arkansas City was doing well economically. The orders rolled 
in, and Arkansas City boasted that it was supplying every city in 
the strip located on the Santa Fe line. In addition, an estimated 
$250,000 had been left there by the boomers. The city did suffer 

44. Denver Republican, September 18, 1893. 


a marked loss in population to the strip, but held firmly to the 
belief that the people would come back, and that others, be- 
coming disenchanted with the strip, would settle there. 

Caldwell did not fare as well as Arkansas City. It, too, was a 
supply center, but it was so seriously depopulated that it was 
necessary to hold a special election. The councilmen for the first, 
second, and third wards had left the state of Kansas. 45 

The population of Arkansas City fell from 9,264 in 1893 to 
7,120 in 1894. Caldwell went from 2,138 to 1,386 in the same years. 
Kiowa fell from 1,358 people to 504. There were similar losses all 
along the border. These losses cannot be attributed entirely to the 
opening of the Cherokee strip, as the current depression undoubt- 
edly contributed. It was estimated, however, that the opening of 
the Cherokee strip cost Kansas some 50,000 populist votes. 

The opening of the Cherokee strip to settlement was an event 
for which the adjacent towns had long worked, propagandized, and 
invested. In return they expected substantial city growth and 
economic prosperity. Their goals were only partially attained. 
Temporary economic gains there were, but also the loss of residents. 
The losses were not quite as severe as they seemed, when it is 
realized that boomers were gathering for the expected opening 
as early as 1891, and those who got jobs locally were accepted and 
counted as part of the resident population, when in fact and inten- 
tion they were not. 

Those towns which were basically sound, with sufficient water, 
good railroad connections, and some local industry, survived the 
Cherokee strip opening and experienced a slow but steady recovery 
and growth. Others, which had had several rewarding years be- 
cause of the strip boom, but which had no firm economic basis, never 
recovered. The hotel at Hunnewell has been torn down and most 
of the business houses have disappeared. On the site of Gale stands 
a lone grain elevator. 

The people had exercised their traditional American prerogative, 
and moved on into the new frontier looking, as always, for the 
"promised land" beyond. 

45. Caldwell News, November 2, 1893. 

Telegraph Beginnings in Kansas 


KANSAS' great question slavery was settled. After five years 
of bloodshed, delegates to a new constitutional convention 
met July 5, 1859, at Wyandotte (now part of Kansas City), to 
draw up an antislavery document. Throughout the meeting a 
young man by the name of Philo H. Clarke sat at a telegraph key 
near convention hall, clicking stories to Eastern correspondents. 
His news brought fresh hope to the advocates of human freedom. 1 

Clarke's office was connected with the East by way of Missouri. 
His telegraph line also went through Quindaro, along the Missouri 
river to Leavenworth. And, during that summer of 1859, while 
the delegates threshed out their constitution, construction crews 
were stretching wires between Leavenworth and Atchison. 

Telegraph lines, by 1859, already crisscrossed Missouri. For 
12 years there had been a struggle for control of the state's 
expanding system. One casualty of the conflict was an early Mis- 
souri river line, completed in 1851. From St. Louis west its wires 
paralleled the south bank to Kansas City, then ran north along 
the east bank to St. Joseph. The line had fallen into disrepair, 
and when rebuilt in 1859 by Charles M. Stebbins, an independent 
operator, the link above Kansas City had been discarded. 2 

Western Union, in a series of corporate agreements, culminating 
in Missouri between 1857-1859, had won control of Stebbins' lines 
(and Stebbins' dreams of a transcontinental network) and en- 
couraged its Western subsidiaries to expand into Kansas and Ar- 
kansas. Stebbins received $12,000 in cash from Western Union in 
return for a majority of stock in his Missouri river line, but theo- 
retically he remained in control and was retained as general line- 
superintendent. He had no choice; the giant threatened to build 
a line, parallel to his, west from St. Louis to Kansas City. Capitu- 
lation, with the superintendency, was better than financial ruin. 3 

The plans for Kansas' first line were made by Stebbins and his 
agents before the Western Union victory. In 1855 the Kansas ter- 

DR. JOHN E. SUNDER, native of St. Louis who received his doctor's degree from Wash- 
ington University, is a member of the history department of the University of Texas, Austin. 

1. Frank W. Blackmar, Kansas . . . (Chicago, 1912), v. 2, pp. 50, 51; Noble 
L. Prentis, A History of Kansas (Topeka, 1904), pp. 77-79; Topeka Daily Capital, January 
16, 1955. 

2. John E. Sunder, "The Early Telegraph in Rural Missouri, 1847-1859," Missouri 
Historical Review, Columbia, v. 51, No. 1 (October, 1956), pp. 42-53. 

3. Charles M. Stebbins, The New and True Religion (New York, 1898), pp. 367, 368. 



ritorial assembly incorporated two telegraph companies: the "Kaw 
River" and the "Occidental." Stebbins' "friends among the mem- 
bers (all Missourians)" sponsored the acts. He, his close friend 
Isaac M. Veitch, and several associates, were to construct the Kaw 
river line from a junction point on their Missouri river system 
near the mouth of the Kaw (Kansas) river "through such points 
on or near the Kansas river as the corporators may elect, thence 
westward to the western boundary of Kansas territory." 4 They 
were to build the Occidental from a similar junction point to Leav- 
enworth and the northern boundary of the territory. Disruption 
within the Missouri system in the mid-1850's, however, prevented 
construction of the two lines, although Stebbins remained inter- 
ested and optimistic. 

While Stebbins was rebuilding the old Missouri river telegraph 
line, his agents were active in eastern Kansas. Though building 
plans beyond Kansas City were a bit indefinite, the Kansas Weekly 
Herald at Leavenworth was enthusiastic, and on February 6, 1858, 
called for an early public meeting to secure a link to Stebbins' line 
"for economic and military reasons." The response was hearten- 
ing to agents S. A. Drake and Captain Scudder, and, by August, 
Leavenworth had subscribed $5,000. Russell, Majors & Waddell, 
together with Smoot, Russell & Company, put up better than one 
fourth of the total. 5 

In September the last poles on the new Missouri river line were 
going up on the prairies between Boonville and Lexington; Kan- 
sas City anticipated connection to the system by Christmas; and 
Drake was again on his way into eastern Kansas to rally more sup- 
port for the line to and beyond Leavenworth. He passed through 
Kansas City in mid-October and reported that Stebbins was build- 
ing at the rate of three miles per day. All outward signs pointed 
to success, including St. Joseph's demand to be part of the system. 6 
The St. Joseph Gazette remarked: "This will always be our most 
important connection, for by it we will not only communicate with 
the Capitol . . . but with all the important points on the 
river . . ." 7 

The optimistic outlook, however, had to be qualified during the 

4. The Statutes of the Territory of Kansas; Passed at the First Session of the Legislative 
Assembly, One Thousand Eight Hundred and Fifty-Five (Shawnee M. L. School, 1855), 
pp. 856-858. 

5. The Kansas Weekly Herald, Leavenworth, February 6, August 21, 1858; Western 
Journal of Commerce, Kansas City, Mo., August 21, 1858. 

6. Leavenworth Times, October 9, 1858; St. Joseph (Mo.) Gazette, September 28, 
1858; St. Louis Daily Morning Herald, October 16, 1858; Western Journal of Commerce, 
September 4, October 16, 1858. 

7. St. Joseph Gazette, September 28, 1858. 



autumn. Stebbins was nearly out of funds by early October; in- 
cessant rain pelted the construction crews in western Missouri; and 
a few Leavenworth subscribers failed to meet their payments. 
Time was at a premium, since navigation during the winter would 
close on the lower Missouri, and telegraph equipment, especially 
instruments and batteries in sufficient quantity, had to be delivered 
in Kansas City before that time if any new stations were to be 
opened before the following spring. Stebbins believed he could 
overcome all obstacles, given some co-operation, but admitted that 
he had been behind schedule for weeks. 8 

Workmen had poles set into Kansas City by early December 
but no wire. Stebbins explained the difficulty as a simple matter of 
supply and demand. The wire producers were slow in forwarding 
his orders, yet he intimated that even orders depended upon stock 
subscriptions and many in the Kansas City area had not met their 
pledges. Nevertheless, he was certain he could build the line 
cheaper than anyone else and remained confident that it would 
reach St. Joseph in a "very short time" and, perhaps, go on to 
Council Bluffs. 9 

Early in December, 1858, digging crews and hoisting-men 
reached the banks of the Kaw, crossed the stream near its junction 
with the Missouri, and commenced setting poles in Kansas terri- 
tory through Wyandotte, Quindaro, and the Delaware Indian 
lands to Leavenworth. They followed the river bottoms, since the 
next best route was along Stranger creek five to ten miles inland 
across the bluffs; too far to serve as a direct route to the river 
towns. Stebbins' timetable, which called for wire in Kansas City 
by Christmas and to Leavenworth by the New Year, fell far be- 
hind schedule partially due to the Delaware Indians who "had 
taken umbrage at the construction of a telegraph line through their 
domain, and threatened to impede or prevent its progress." Rep- 
resentatives of the telegraph line, and also, it seems, of the town 
of Leavenworth, met with a council of Delaware chiefs on De- 
cember 10, and reached an agreement whereby Stebbins was au- 
thorized to obtain poles from the Indian lands upon his promise 
to respect the reservation's character. 10 

8. Letter, Charles M. Stebbins to Alfred Gray, September 18, 1858, "Alfred Gray 
Papers," in Mss. division, Kansas State Historical Society; Leavenworth Times, October 16, 
23, November 6, 1858. 

9. St. Louis Daily Morning Herald, December 8, 1858; Marshall (Mo.) Democrat, 
December 10, 1858; Western Journal of Commerce, November 20, 1858. 

10. Leavenworth Weekly Times, December 11, 1858; Marshall Democrat, December 
10, 1858; "Kansas Base Map (1921)," U. S. Department of the Interior Geological Survey; 
World Geographic Atlas (Chicago, 1953), pp. 136, 137. 


At last, shortly before Christmas, Kansas City sent and received 
its first messages on the new line, and a temporary downtown 
office was opened. The wires were strung across the Kaw on tall 
supporting masts later to be replaced by cables. An office was 
opened in Wyandotte, and the local Weekly Western Argus initi- 
ated a column of "Telegraphic Items." In Wyandotte and other 
localities Stebbins was accused of favoritism in the use of his 
line and had to exercise great tact to retain the support of both 
proslavery and antislavery factions. Another office was opened at 
Quindaro, although Stebbins at first considered by-passing the 
town. Between Quindaro and Leavenworth, however, it is unlikely 
that any office was opened at that time. 11 

Poles were up in Leavenworth before the wire was up in Kan- 
sas City, and on New Year's Day, 1859, it was announced that 
"in the course of a fortnight, the line will be completed." An 
office under the management of Agent Drake was located at the 
corner of Main and Delaware near the levee. The wire came 
through in January and on the 25th of the month was connected 
to the Leavenworth office. 12 A few days later, on the evening 
of Saturday, February 5, Drake sent his first long-distance message 
to New York City. The circuit was so constructed that the prin- 
cipal cities in between received the message simultaneously and 
joined in the celebration of Kansas' formal telegraphic birth. 13 

The military authorities at Ft. Leavenworth realized immediately 
the line's strategic value. The actual order issued by the com- 
mander of the Department of the West, permitting the line to be 
built north from Leavenworth proper across the reservation to 
Atchison, is missing, but it is known that the fort used the line 
to send and receive messages and that other similar utilities were in 
time allowed to enter the reservation. Lacking information to the 
contrary, we may conclude that Stebbins pushed his line through 
the fort along the riverbank right-of-way later used by the Leaven- 
worth, Atchison & Northwestern and Missouri Pacific railroads. 14 

Between the northern edge of the fort and Atchison only Kicka- 

11. Kansas City Daily Western Journal of Commerce, December 19, 21, 1858; Weekly 
Western Argus, Wyandotte, January 15, 1859; Stebbins to Gray, loc. cit.; Otis B. Gunn, 
New Map and Hand-Book of Kansas <Lr the Gold Mines (Pittsburgh, 1859), p. 23. 

12. Leavenworth Weekly Times, January 1, 1859; Martha B. Caldwell, compiler, 
Annals of Shawnee Methodist Mission and Indian Manual Labor School (Topeka, 1939), 
p. 105; W. M. Paxton. Annals of Platte County, Missouri . . . to 1897 . . . 
(Kansas City, 1897), p. 274; Daniel W. Wilder, The Annals of Kansas (Topeka, 1875), 
p. 198. 

13. Daily Missouri Democrat, St. Louis, February 10, 1859; Kansas City Daily Western 
Journal of Commerce, February 9, 1859; St. Louis Daily Morning Herald, February 8, 1859. 

14. Elvid Hunt, History of Fort Leavenworth 1827-1927 (Fort Leavenworth, 1926), 
pp. 130, 160, 252, 253; U. S. Military Reservations, National Cemeteries and Military Parks 
(Washington, D. C., 1916), p. 135. 


poo was large enough to warrant a telegraph office, and it does not 
appear that the town either was offered or accepted one. The 
people of Atchison, however, heard directly from Stebbins. He 
wrote to John F. Tracy in April, 1859, requesting that Atchison 
subscribe $1,500 in stock to guarantee an office on the line. Steb- 
bins estimated that he could complete the Atchison-Leavenworth 
connection in six weeks the towns were only 21 miles apart 
and stated that his line was already paying eight to ten per cent 
dividends. Robert C. Clowry, recently promoted to the Leaven- 
worth superintendency, was to handle subscriptions. 15 

Subscribers in Atchison knew that the line through Leavenworth 
was a success and that Stebbins not only intended to build to 
St. Joseph, but contemplated sending a branch line from Leaven- 
worth to Ft. Riley. They subscribed the $1,500 in stock requested 
and he pushed ahead with the line, so that by July 30 he had 
poles standing in the streets of Atchison. Tracy opened an office 
on the south side of Commercial street, between Levee and Sec- 
ond, and was ready for business by mid-August. The wire was 
connected on Monday August 8, and the first message, sent by the 
mayor to Leavenworth and St. Louis, went over the wires one week 
later. The editor of the Atchison Union telegraphed St. Louis: 
"We are indebted to the triple alliance of labor, capital and science 
for the final success of this great enterprise. We will now hand 
to you important news from Salt Lake one day earlier than hereto- 
fore, via Leavenworth." Atchison took pride in the fact it was 
then 14 miles farther west than any telegraph station east of the 
Rockies. 16 

North of Atchison there were two possible routes to St. Joseph. 
The line could cross the Missouri river to the east bank and proceed 
overland along the right-of-way of the Atchison-St. Joseph railroad, 
or it could be built along the west bank to Elwood opposite St. 
Joseph. Stebbins decided to follow the west bank through Doni- 
phan to Elwood, and immediately set crews to work to complete 
the connection. 17 

15. Daily Missouri Republican, St. Louis, March 8, 1859; Freedom's Champion, 
Atchison, May 14, 1859. 

16. Daily Missouri Democrat, February 10, 1859; Freedom's Champion, July 30, 
August 13, 20, 1859; Sutherland & McEvoy's Atchison City Directory . . ., 1859-60 
(St. Louis, n. d.), p. 77; A. T. Andreas and W. G. Cutler, History of the State of Kansas 
(Chicago, 1883), p. 377. Atchison, however, was not farther west than any other station 
east of the Rockies. In 1858 a telegraph line was completed between Houston and Gal- 
veston, Tex., and Houston is slightly west of Atchison. See Frank W. Johnson, A History 
of Texas and Texans (Chicago and New York, 1914), v. 1. For the quote see Daily Mis- 
souri Republican, St. Louis, August 16, 1859. 

17. The Kansas Weekly Press, Elwood, October 23, 1858; The Weekly West, St. 
Joseph, January 14, 21, 1860. 


In St. Joseph, Edward Creighton, Stebbins* agent, and J. B. Jen- 
nings pushed the project; secured enough stock subscriptions to 
guarantee completion of the link; and arranged for an upstairs 
office on the corner of Jule and Second. The city council, at least 
two years earlier, had provided ordinance protection for telegraph 
poles and wires in St. Joseph. Everything was ready for the ar- 
rival of the wires, but how would they cross the Missouri at El- 
wood? By masts or by underwater cable? In 1858 soundings had 
been made in the river immediately below Elwood and a "tele- 
graphic plateau" located suitable to an underwater cable. They 
decided, however, to use masts, at least temporarily, and the cross- 
ing was made by mid-March, 1860. The line had been built across 
85 miles of countryside since leaving Kansas City, at a cost of about 
65 dollars per mile. 18 

Meanwhile, St. Joseph was being connected by another telegraph 
line across northern Missouri to Hannibal and the extensive Il- 
linois network. On July 4, 1859, that line, built along the right-of- 
way of the new Hannibal and St. Joseph railroad, was completed 
and congratulatory messages were exchanged between the two 
towns. An office was opened under C. H. Spillman in the St. 
Joseph railroad depot, from which, as one commentator remarked, 
"the giant young city of the border will be able to throw out West- 
ern Lightning and border ruffian news to the whole world." 19 

The major problem of a transcontinental line, however, was not 
entirely settled. The issue was confused by building projects, some 
of a fly-by-night nature, projecting a vast trans-Kansas telegraph 
network, especially into the newly opened Colorado gold country. 20 
Nevertheless, out of the confusion the babble of projects two 
possibilities emerged: the line Stebbins was building in 1859 to 
Fort Smith, Ark., or the one he was building through eastern Kan- 
sas territory. Land surveys made by Edward Creighton predis- 
posed Western Union to favor the Kansas route, and by early 1860 
it was clear that the transcontinental line would be built by extend- 

18. The Revised Ordinances of the City of Saint Joseph Passed by the City Council, 
in the Years 1857-58 (St. Joseph, 1858), p. 154; Robert H. Thurston, ed., Reports of the 
Commissioners of the United States to the International Exhibition Held at Vienna, 1873 
(Washington, D. C., 1876), v. 2, p. 78; Telegraph Age, New York, May 16, 1907; Wilder, 
op. cit., p. 240. 

19. Daily Missouri Republican, July 8, 1859; Hannibal (Mo.) Messenger, June 23, 
1859; Liberty (Mo.) Weekly Tribune, July 15, 1859. For the quote see The Central City 
Brunswicker, Brunswick, Mo., July 20, 1859. See, also, Ben Hur Wilson, "From Coast to 
Coast," The Palimpsest, Iowa City, v. 7 (August, 1926), p. 235. 

20. For examples of the acts of incorporation granted in Kansas see: Private Laws of 
the Territory of Kansas, Passed at the Fifth Session of the Legislative Assembly . . . 
1859 . . . (Lawrence, 1859), pp. 77-80, and Private Laws of the Territory of Kan- 
sas, Passed at the Special Session of the Legislative Assembly . . . 1860 . . . 
(n. p., n. d.), pp. 428-432. 


ing the Kansas City-St. Joseph section. 21 To further facilitate con- 
struction, Western Union, on January 7, 1860, secured from the 
Missouri legislature the incorporation of the Missouri and Western 
Telegraph Company Stebbins was one incorporator consolidat- 
ing Western Union's control of the lower Missouri valley. 22 

Stebbins and Clowry extended their line from St. Joseph through 
Brownville and Nebraska City to Omaha. The connection was 
completed by September 5, 1860. The builders then pushed west, 
while, within Kansas, 42 operators kept the circuits open and the 
wires humming with news. 23 Messages to points east cost at least 
60 cents from Leavenworth; at least one dollar from St. Joseph. 24 
A few customers complained that the charges were exorbitant, and 
at times the lines were down from wind or ice, but the construc- 
tion crews on the plains beyond Omaha were confident they could 
tie the nation together by a thin wire thread. 

Another year, and enough thread would be unwound. Another 
year, 1861, and the transcontinental line would be finished. 

21. John E. Sunder, "Arkansas' First 'Wonder Working Wire/" The Arkansas His- 
torical Quarterly, Van Buren, v. 16, No. 3 (Autumn, 1957), pp. 231-242. 

22. J. Thomas Scharf, History of Saint Louis City and County, From the Earliest 
Periods to the Present Day . . . (Philadelphia, 1883), v. 2, p. 1429; Laws of the 
State of Missouri . . . 1859-1860 (Jefferson City, 1860), pp. 189, 190. 

23. John W. Clampitt, Echoes From the Rocky Mountains . . . (Chicago, New 
York, San Francisco, 1889), p. 63; Henry M. Porter, Pencilings of an Early Western 
Pioneer (Denver, 1929), pp. 10-15; Joseph C. G. Kennedy, compiler, Population of the 
United States in 1860 . . . (Washington, D. C., 1864), p. 187. 

24. Tal. P. Shaffner, The Telegraph Manual . . . (New York, London, Berlin, 
Paris, 1859), p. 759; Congressional Globe, 36 Cong., 1 Sess. (1859-1860), pt. 3, p. 2252. 

The Letters of the Rev. Samuel Young Lum, 
Pioneer Kansas Missionary, 1854-1858 


WHEN the Rev. Samuel Young Lum arrived in Kansas in Sep- 
tember, 1854, he initiated a career of genuine dedication to his 
calling and the welfare of Kansas. He was born in New Providence, 
N. J., on May 6, 1821. In 1842 he entered the preparatory depart- 
ment of Oberlin College and was enrolled in the regular college 
course during the next two academic years, but did not complete 
the degree. He was a student at Union Theological Seminary, 
New York, 1845 to 1848. He went to California in 1849 and spent 
somewhat more than a year traveling in that area and in Mexico. 

Upon returning from the Far West, Lum was ordained as pastor 
of the Congregational church in Middleton, N. Y., on November 19, 
1851. He served that church until 1854. On April 21, 1852, he 
married Caroline Keep of Madison, N. J. In 1854 the 33-year-old 
clergyman was commissioned for service in Kansas by the Ameri- 
can Home Missionary Society. The Lums arrived in Kansas about 
the same time as the second party which was sent out under the 
auspices of the New England Emigrant Aid Company. This group 
reached Kansas City, Mo., on September 6. Lum became closely 
identified with the party and was a member of the "Lawrence 

Lum conducted the first service in Lawrence on October 1, 1854. 
On October 15 the Plymouth Congregational Church of Lawrence 
was organized. The first services were held in the famous Pioneer 
Boarding House, or "hay tent," which was owned by the Emigrant 
Aid Company. He entered into his field of service with energy 
and enthusiasm. Lum preached his first sermon in Topeka in De- 
cember, 1854; he was largely responsible for organizing the Free 
Congregational Church of Topeka in Constitution Hall in July, 1856. 

In June, 1857, when the First Church of Christ in Wabaunsee 
was organized, Lum preached the sermon. He was active in the 

DR. EMORY KEMPTON LINDQUIST, Rhodes scholar and former president of Bethany 
College, is dean of the faculties of the University of Wichita. He is author of Smoky 
Valley People: A History of Lindsborg, Kansas (1953), and numerous magazine articles 
relating to the history of this region. 



organization of the General Association of Congregational Ministers 
and Churches of Kansas in April, 1857, although it is possible that 
an earlier meeting was held in his house in August, 1855. He re- 
signed as pastor of the Plymouth Congregational Church of Law- 
rence in 1857 and was appointed the first Kansas superintendent 
of the American Home Missionary Society. He held this position 
until 1861, when he became pastor of the Congregational church at 
Rehobeth, Mass. 

Lum returned to Kansas in 1869 as agent for the American Bible 
Society, a position he held until 1874, when he became pastor of a 
church at Mannsville, N. Y. He subsequently held pastorates in 
other places in New York and Connecticut. His last residence was 
at Rutherford, N. J., where he died on October 1, 1895, as a result 
of an accident at a railroad crossing near his home. 1 

Lum's letters in this collection were addressed, with but one 
exception, to the American Home Missionary Society, which was 
founded on May 10, 1826, in New York. The Congregationalists 
and the Presbyterians were the principal supporters of the society. 2 
The Rev. Milton Badger was the senior secretary of the society. 
He was assisted by the Rev. David B. Coe and the Rev. Daniel P. 
Noyes. The offices of the society were at Bible House, As tor Place, 
New York City. 

Lum was a keen observer of men and events in Kansas. Although 
he served principally at Lawrence, he traveled widely in Kansas, 
transmitting detailed letters and reports to the officials of the 
American Home Missionary Society. 


October, 1854 
To THE EDITORS, The Home Missionary 4 

When I arrived in Kansas, I found myself with little more than 
enough to support my family for a week, after all the expenses of 
getting here had been met. I knew not what to do. In this 
emergency, Mr. Pomeroy, Agent of the Emigrant Aid Company, 

1. A sketch of the life of the Rev. S. Y. Lum by the Rev. Richard Cordley, Lum's 
successor as pastor of the Plymouth Congregational Church of Lawrence, is found in the 
Minutes of the General Association of Congregational Ministers and Churches of Kansas, 
Forty-Second Annual Session, Lawrence, Kansas, May 7-11, 1896, pp. 33, 34. Martha 
Oseniak, Union Theological Seminary, New York, and Donald M. Love, Oberlin College, 
Oberlin, Ohio, supplied helpful biographical information. 

2. The United Domestic Missionary Society of New York, founded in May, 1822, 
merged with the American Home Missionary Society on May 10, 1826. The Presby- 
terian, Dutch Reformed, and Associate Reformed Churches were the leaders in the United 
Missionary Society. Colin Brummitt Goodykoontz, Home Missions on the American Frontier 


took me by the hand, as a true brother, and from his own pocket 
lent me the means of defraying expenses in fact, did all for me 
that a man in his situation could do. 5 

As you supposed, I have been most busily engaged since my 
arrival in the Territory. There was no other course left me but with 
my own hands to prepare a place for my family before winter set in. 
Of course, none could be rented, for there was little else than the 
smooth prairie; and as most were engaged in building for them- 
selves, I must do the same for myself. 

At this place, which is, no doubt, as yet, the most important in 
the Territory, there are the most encouraging signs of progress in 
every direction. Many from the various companies that come on, 
either locate within the city limits, or secure farms in the imme- 
diate vicinity. Until now, within a circuit of five or ten miles 
there are not far from seven hundred persons, mostly heads of 
families, the representatives, in all, of little less than three thousand 
souls, most of whom will be here as early in the spring as possible. 
The site selected for a city, has many natural and local advantages. 
It is laid out on an extended scale, embracing about two miles 
square, and yet, from the rapidity with which lots are being taken 
for actual improvement, it will soon have few important lots un- 
occupied. 6 Many are pledged by the terms on which they accept 
lots, to place improvements on them to the value of $2,000 to $3,000 
each, within one year. If what is now promised be but partially 

(Caldwell, Idaho, 1939), pp. 173-178. The late Professor Goodykoontz made a thorough 
and scholarly study of home missions with special reference to the American Home Mis- 
sionary Society in the volume referred to above. 

3. The original letters are in the splendid American Home Missionary Society collec- 
tion of Hammond library, Chicago Theological Seminary, unless identified differently and 
are presented with the kind permission of Harvey Arnold, librarian. All the letters printed 
below are manuscript items except two which were printed in The Home Missionary, New 
York, in October, 1854, and December, 1855, and one published in The Independent, New 
York, December 7, 1854. 

4. While this letter appeared in The Home Missionary for January, 1855, its contents 
indicate conclusively that it was written in October, 1854. A letter to The Independent, 
New York, under date of October 12, 1854, and published on October 26, 1854, contains 
much of the same infonnation. The Lum family arrived in Kansas about the same time 
as the second party of the New England Emigrant Aid Company. This group reached 
Kansas City, Mo., on September 6, en route to the Wakarusa settlement. Louise Barry, 
"The Emigrant Aid Company Parties in 1854," The Kansas Historical Quarterly, Topeka, 
v. 12 (May, 1943), pp. 129-131. Lum conducted the first service in Lawrence on 
October 1, 1854, according to a correspondent of the Puritan Recorder. A. T. Andreas 
and W. G. Cutler, History of the State of Kansas (Chicago, 1883), p. 314. Lum's letter 
reproduced here was printed in The Home Missionary, New York, v. 27 (January, 1855), 
pp. 216-218. 

5. S. C. Pomeroy, an agent of the New England Emigrant Aid Company and later 
a prominent Kansas figure, came to Kansas with Charles Robinson and the second party 
of emigrants sponsored by the company. See, supra, Footnote 4. The arrival of Pomeroy 
and his associates at Lawrence is described in Edgar Langsdorf, "S. C. Pomeroy and the 
New England Emigrant Aid Company, 1854-1858," The Kansas Historical Quarterly, 
Topeka, v. 7 (August, 1938), p. 231. 

6. The organization of "The Lawrence Association" and general background factors 
dealing with this development are described in James C. Malin, "Emergency Housing in 
Lawrence, 1854," ibid., v. 21 (Spring, 1954), pp. 36-41. 


fulfilled, we shall present city of as rapid growth as, I had almost 
said, any in California; and I can see no reason why it may 
not be so. 

Of one thing we are certain, that the population, if what is al- 
ready here be a fair criterion of the whole, will compare favorably 
with that of any State or Territory in the Union. For firmness of 
purpose, indomitable courage, and executive talent, they will 
equal the emigration to California; while in intelligence and moral 
worth, they will be surpassed by none. A holy purpose has called 
them to this western world, and they come with all the elements 
necessary, with God's blessing, for the accomplishment of that pur- 
pose. And yet this is at present no easy field for missionary labor. 
We have, however, succeeded in forming a church of about twenty 
members, and as soon as eastern certificates are received, it will 
number at least, thirty; and this again will be doubled, we hope, 
when all the families come on, since most of our present members 
are male heads of families. 

Those who have as yet united in our church movement, are, for 
the most part, prominent members of New England churches, men 
who have been influenced to come here, not mainly from a desire 
for wealth, but to plant the standard of the cross in this fair land, 
and to secure all its attendant blessings. It is for this that they 
have left homes of comfort and posts of honor and usefulness in 
the East. They are not men of wealth, but they are such as can 
be relied upon in any emergency that requires wisdom in plan, or 
firmness of purpose in execution. They are not satisfied with the 
Sabbath worship simply, but engage with delight and eagerness in 
all the social duties of religion. 

Our ordinary congregation numbers about one hundred. It has 
been over this at times, and were it not that we have no convenient 
place for public worship, our numbers, I think, would be con- 
siderably increased. For the present, we are compelled to meet 
in the general sleeping apartment of the Company, a room about 
50 by 20 feet, made of poles and thatched with prairie grass. 7 
Up to this time the weather has been so pleasant and mild as to 
render such a place comfortable, so far as temperature is con- 
cerned; yet, filled as it is with the baggage of the lodgers, it has little 
of the sacredness that attaches to the house dedicated especially 
to the worship of God. Those who come are led, we trust, by a 

7. An interesting description of the "Pioneer Boarding House" is found in Richard 
Cordley, Pioneer Days in Kansas (New York, 1903), pp. 68, 69. 


desire to worship God. In this place we have usually two services 
on the Sabbath; and, as there are already so many from other 
societies on the ground, I feel it but courteous to share the services 
with them. I speak thus, because the colony, in mass meeting, 
invited me to supply their pulpit for a year, and they feel as though 
I was "their minister/' 

In connection with our public worship, there has been a very 
interesting Bible class formed, of about twenty-five members, 
many of whom have been actively engaged in the Sabbath schools 
in the East. From these we expect the material for Sabbath school 
teachers; and we have taken steps for the organization of a Sabbath 
school as soon as a sufficient number of children can be collected. 
How the house we are using will do for worship when the weather 
becomes colder, we cannot as yet tell; but the proper authorities 
are making preparations for building a large house for school pur- 
poses. In this there will be a lecture room, 55 by 40 feet, which 
will be used as soon as opened, for church purposes. There will 
also be a smaller room for prayer and conference meetings. 8 

From this you will see that already a permanent commencement 
has been effected here; and I doubt not there are other places 
which, this fall or early in the spring, will afford equal facilities. 
The great point should be, to be on the ground at the start. And 
then, the minister, in all such movements, must be one of the 
people, capable and willing to bear his full share in all the toil, 
labor, and privation, necessary in first settlements. The estimation 
in which he is held with the settlers will vary, as he is thus one of 
them, or otherwise. I believe that there is more than one settlement 
now forming, where the right kind of a man would be able imme- 
diately to find all that his hands could do. Many parties are still 
to come; and if of sufficient size, they will form separate settlements 
and will desire a preacher sympathizing with your Society. Rev. 
C. E. Blood, of Illinois, is already here, and situated about sixty 
five miles above here, on the Big Blue. 9 I should be glad to see 
one or two men here, either this fall, or early in the spring. 

Yours truly, 
S. Y. LUM. 

8. This building had dimensions 20 by 48 feet. Malin, "Emergency Housing in 
Lawrence, 1854," loc. cit., p. 42. 

9. The Rev. Charles Blood settled at the Juniata crossing, four miles above the junc- 
tion of the Blue and Kansas rivers in the autumn of 1854. In April, 1855, he preached 
the first sermon in what is now Manhattan. Charles M. Correll, A Century of Congre- 
gationalism in Kansas (Topeka, 1953), pp. 20, 21. 


LAWRENCE, K. T. Dec 6th. 1854 

When last I wrote I promised another communication soon in 
reference to other positions in the Territory. Since then I have been 
some considerable distance further up than before & am thus 
better prepared to write from actual observation. From what I 
saw, I am disposed to think that there are perhaps two locations, 
now being made, that will soon prove worthy of the notice of your 
Society, in fact one of them may need a man immediately. This 
place is about 25 miles up the Kansas River from Lawrence, is 
just beginning to be settled by Eastern men. 10 A town is con- 
templated & soon to be laid out & judging from the manner in 
which Lawrence has progressed must as it is in similar hands, 
have just as rapid development. Before a man could be on the 
field if appointed immediately it will in all probability be in a 
more advanced state than this place when I came here & I have good 
reason to suppose I was none too early. 

The truth is where eastern men take up a location & give evidence 
of will and ability to build a town, multitudes from all other sec- 
tions of the country crowd rapidly on their footsteps, & in most 
cases, it is but a short time before the whole region, is set off into 
claims & cabins are rising on every side. From present appearances, 
the location of which I am now speaking is destined to be the second 
city in this part of [the Territory] for becoming this it has some 
decided advantages. I intend to visit there as soon as possible & 
if I can make the arrangements will preach there on next Sabbath. 
I am not yet certain that there is a building at all suitable for wor- 
ship but no doubt one of the same kind as that which we occupy 
will be soon erected. 

I think it highly important that such points as these should be 
early [entered on] by men from your society. Unless they are 
thus they will not long remain unoccupied & perhaps & not al- 
ways with those who hold the truth as it is in Jesus. I know that 
we have had various preachers here who have striven at all times 

10. Lum refers here to the founding of Topeka. The Topeka Association was organ- 
ized on December 5, 1854, with Cyrus K. Holliday as president. Holliday wrote a letter 
on December 3 from Lawrence in which he stated that he was "going about 40 miles up 
the Kansas River to assist in laying out a new town." On December 17 Holliday used 
Topeka, K. T., as the heading for a letter to his wife. Lum is often associated with the 
naming of Topeka. Lela Barnes, ed., "Letters of Cyrus Kurtz Holliday, 1854-1859," 
The Kansas Historical Quarterly, Topeka, v. 6 (August, 1937), pp. 245-247; Fry W. Giles, 
Thirty Years in Topeka (Topeka, 1886), pp. 20-22. The relationship of Holliday to 
establishing Topeka is discussed in Wallace S. Baldinger, "The Amateur Plans a City," 
The Kansas Historical Quarterly, Topeka, v. 12 (February, 1943), pp. 3-13. 


to force themselves upon the people & setting forth the wildest 
heresies as the truth of God. Unitarians, Christians, Swedenbor- 
gians, Universalists have not been idle; their men are already on 
the ground & openly declare that they will make it "too hot for the 
orthodoxy." From this it will be seen, that all who have the 
cardinal truth of the Cross should be most watchful & diligent. 

About 55 miles still farther up the Kansas is another settlement, or 
rather a number of settlements, another town is laid out & there 
are quite a number of settlers within the area of a few miles & 
who have the services of Rev. Mr. Blood, from near Springfield, 
Illinois; he seems a man well adapted to pioneer life & a good man 
to do the work of a missionary, he told me he had corresponded 
with some one of the Secretaries. The field which he ocupies 
must be an important field though not perhaps, destined to as 
rapid growth as some others in the Territory. There are two or 
three other points on the river of some importance though not 
sufficient to merit particular attention as yet. They will be rather 
a outpost between the leading points. I did not reach Fort Riley 
but from reports, it is only a military post & it can be reached from 
the Big Blue where Mr. Blood resides. 

From enquiries made in reference to the city of Leavenworth for 
as yet I have not been able to see it I should think it already quite an 
important place & not supplied with any one who cooperates with 
your society. They have occasional services by a Presbyterian 
Minister from Missouri & at other times by a Methodist local 
preacher but I cannot speak positively of its necessities. 

On the South side of the Wakarusa, the settlers are rapidly filling 
up the country. At Ureka, the point selected by the New York 
Emigration [company] there will probably be little done this 
Winter; but it would be well to watch the movement early in the 
Spring, as they intend large things. Still farther south, in the 
Osage country, many are coming in, & little communities are rising 
on every side. I shall endeavor to visit that part of the country 
early in the Spring if Providence permit. 

In reference to the character of the emigration as a whole I 
hardly know what to think many there are who come here with a 
noble purpose. They are willing to be martyrs in the cause of 
Religion & Liberty & yet I am compelled to think that the number 
of such is small in comparison to those who have some selfish or 
mercinary end to gain. I must confess that my mind has changed 
on this subject & I do not think so highly of the aggregate emigra- 


tion as at first. 11 I find many, perhaps a majority, without any 
settled moral principles as a basis of action & when once outside 
the restraints of eastern society, they act out the native depravity of 
the human heart profanity & Sabbath desecration are beginning 
to be fearfully rife & scarcely a Sabbath passes but our ears are 
compelled to hear the sound of the rifle & axe. . . . 

In reference to our own "City" there has [been little change] 
since I wrote. Our public worship is much interrupted by the 
cold weather as we have no place much better than the open air. 
We find our thatch houses but poorly fitted for withstanding the 
piercing wind that sweeps over these boundless prairies. Our 
weather is not excessively cold, but the wind is so piercing & the 
coldest & most windy days of the season have been the Sabbaths. 
It is designed to construct a suitable building ... as soon as 
possible but the first necessity is to provide for the suffering fam- 
ilies. A weekly prayer meeting is sustained & considering the 
circumstances, well sustained. I give up my little room, a little 
more than 12 feet square for this purpose. There seems in a few 
at least, an earnest desire to enjoy the social prayer meeting & 
when we get together, though crowded into a small room & often 
interrupted by sickly children still we do enjoy the Savior's pres- 
ence, & from this little circle I trust will go out an influence upon 
the surrounding elements. May it be as salt to save from moral 

Perhaps you may feel an interest in knowing how many comforts 
we enjoy here. My own house, which is said to be as comfortable 
as any is entirely without a floor or walls, nothing but bare "sid- 
ing" & that so open as to give us views of the country, almost in any 
direction. 12 The winds of course take every occasion to visit. 
. . . One small room we store some things in another in which 
to perform all the duties attendant upon living & here too bed 
room, kitchen, sitting room & study etc all at hand. & even this 
is thought here as doing very well. In most countries the process 
of settlement has advanced further before the Missionary finds his 
way there, but here the development will be so rapid that it is 
necessary they should lead the van & in doing so they must be 
subjected to all the inconveniences attendant upon settlement. 

You desired to know definitely the current expenses of a Mis- 

11. In October, Lum had written with enthusiasm about the fine qualities of the 
settlers in Kansas. Supra, p. 42. 

12. The first frame house erected in Lawrence was owned by Lum. Malin, "Emer- 
gency Housing in Lawrence, 1854," loc. cit., p. 43. 


sionary here. These for the present must be rather large. There 
is but one article of food that is at all reasonable meat is certainly 
low, ranging from 5 to 10 cents per pound. Everything else is at 
exaggerated prices flour at 11 to $12 per barrel, corn-meal, $6.50 
per barrel, potatoes $2.50 per bushel, apples, in the vicinity of $2.00 
per bushel; butter, 35 cents per pound; molasses from 60 to 75 cents 
a gallon; all other things at this ratio. With almost a certainty of 
still further advances you can readily understand from this what 
must be the expenses if it is necessary for me to travel this will 
greatly increase the expense as at most stopping places, exhorbitant 
rates are demanded, often as high as at the St. Nicholas in New 
York, & then horse hire is set at $1.50 a day! When I first arrived 
in the Territory, I was compelled to pay at the rate of $25. a week 
for the board of my family. This was of short duration in my case, 
as I soon secured before one week had transpired a place at the 
Baptist Mission for about what it would have cost me to keep 
house myself. 

I had intended to tell you something of the manner of putting 
up at night, when we found no stopping place, how in travelling 
about the Territory we are often compelled to take the open air, 
the bare earth with nothing but the "broad blue" above, but I have 
not time at present. Will you not send me all the back numbers 
of the Home Missionary from the date of my commission? Written 
of necessity in haste & confusion. 

Yours fraternally 
S. Y. LUM 

Dec. 7th. 1854 
To THE EDITORS OF The Independent: 13 

I am sorry that the impression has been received (in various 
quarters ) that you have a regular correspondent in Kanzas, because 
I begin to feel already the inconvenience of numerous letters of in- 
quiry, questions to be answered through The Independent, etc., etc., 
all of which I could not possibly attend to, and still reserved time 
and energy for the arduous work that my connection with the Home 
Missionary Society lays upon me. Your valued correspondent from 
Iowa, I trust will continue his vigilant watch over this part of his 
former field. An occasional sheet at irregular intervals is all that 
can be expected from me. 

13. This letter was printed in The Independent, New York, January 5, 1855. 


Since I wrote, we have been surrounded by scenes of stirring 
interest. 14 Almost immediately, the sympathizers with slavery, made 
a bold push to dislodge us from our position here, and openly 
avowed their determination to drive us from the Territory. As the 
history of this affair has reached the public through other papers, 
it is needless to enter into details; sufficient to know that finding a 
sterness of purpose in Eastern men that they were unaccustomed 
to meet in such quiet people, they wisely concluded to let us take 
our time to withdraw while they, in the meantime kept at a re- 
spectable distance. This decided course settled apparently all 
future contests of this nature, and I think the danger of violence 
is every day decreasing. Certainly we are on more intimate terms 
with the opposite party; they holding most of the wooded land, had 
refused to let the "Yankees" cut timber on any terms, but now they 
are glad of the privilege of bringing it to the mill on any terms. The 
advantages which they derive from a settlement of this character, 
begins to be apparent; and they no longer desire to rob themselves 
of these advantages. 

After so long time, and in the face of so many discouragements, 
we have commenced to make lumber in good earnest. Day and 
night the music of the first steam engine ever set up in Kanzas 
Territory, is heard by willing ears, for upon its operations depend 
many of our comforts for the winter now upon us. 15 Lawrence 
and the country around it, will soon wear a new aspect, and com- 
fortable dwellings will take the place of the cheerless hovels hereto- 
fore erected. 

But this is not the only place about to assume importance in this 
part of the Territory; another location has been selected about 
twenty-five miles farther up the river, at a most beautiful point, 
possessing many natural advantages. 16 Eastern men are the pro- 
jectors, and the country around is fast filling up with such. One 
object of the location at this particular point, is to check-mate the 

14. Lum wrote to the editors of The Independent on October 12, 1854, and his letter 
was printed in the issue for October 26, 1854. Since this letter was of a general charac- 
ter and of only casual interest, it has not been included in this collection. 

15. This sawmill was moved to Lawrence from Westport. The New England 
Emigrant Aid Company had purchased a sawmill at Rochester, N. Y., as early as Septem- 
ber 1, 1854, but this project was abandoned as far as Lawrence was concerned because 
of a series of delays. The Rochester sawmill was operating in Topeka in May, 1855. The 
company sawmill was operating at Lawrence by about December 1, 1854. Andreas-Cutler, 
op. cit., p. 314; Giles, op. cit., pp. 34, 35. The first pamphlet of the Emigrant Aid 
Company entitled "Organization, Objects and Plans of Operations . . .," stated that 
the company would provide a sawmill and other equipment. Samuel A. Johnson, The 
Battle Cry of Freedom; The New England Emigrant Aid Company in the Kansas Crusade 
(Lawrence, 1954), p. 61. Prof. James C. Malin discusses housing, materials available, 
skills of mechanics, etc., in the interesting article "Housing Experiments in the Lawrence 
Community, 1854," The Kansas Historical Quarterly, v. 21 (Summer, 1954), pp. 95-121. 

16. Lum refers to the founding of Topeka. See Footnote 10. 


operations of a few Southerners, who are attempting to draw around 
them a community of propagandists, five miles lower down on the 
river; and the indications are that the Eastern men will be suc- 
cessful. 17 

The company from New York were rather late in their arrival 
to accomplish much this fall, though they hope for great things 
next year. 18 It is much to be regretted that a more substantial 
commencement could not have been effected this season as the 
delay gives courage to those waiting and anxious to bring in their 
slaves. But I trust that New York capitalists will not be behind in 
furnishing what is necessary for the complete triumph of their under- 
taking. Certainly if the New England enterprise may be taken as 
a criterion, they need not fear in reference to the safety of the 

Since I have been in this country I have often wished that Eastern 
men could see the necessity of sacrificing (no, I don't mean sacri- 
ficing for it would be returned in large dividends, but lending) 
money as well as men in the great and momentous work of making 
Kansas a free State. In the North and East it is not looked upon 
as the test question in reference to slavery extension, or, if thus 
looked upon, it is not regarded as so soon to be decided. With all 
thinking men here, it is seen in a far diff erent light. 

All interested parties in Missouri look upon this struggle as the 
life or death struggle of their "peculiar institution." In accordance 
with this view, they are organizing secret societies to resist the 
dreaded issue; such societies, headed by men in high places, and 
reaching far into other Southern States, speak volumes in reference 
to the deep feeling that exists; they are pulses that tell of the feverish 
excitement within. True, it has often been said that the slave- 
holders of Missouri are but a small part of the aggregate number 
of inhabitants, and little to be feared; yet, generally, they are men 
of property and influence, and seem to be able to lead the poor 
and ignorant class directly in opposition to their own interests. It 
is astonishing what deep-seated hatred they have succeeded in 
infusing into the latter class, against all whom they can brand with 
the name "Yankee." 

17. Tecumseh was located as a townsite during the spring and summer of 1854. When 
the first session of the territorial legislature met at Shawnee in July, 1855, Tecumseh was 
designated as a permanent county seat of Shawnee county. Tecumseh lost the territorial 
capitol to Lecompton. Andreas-Cutler, op. cit., p. 533. 

18. A party from New York under the auspices of the New York League arrived in 
Kansas City, Mo., on October 15, 1854, en route to Kansas. One group settled at Osa- 
watomie. Johnson, op. cit., p. 82; D. W. Wilder, The Annals of Kansas (Topeka, 1886), 
p. oO. 



My mind has been led in this direction by the results of the 
recent election. Nothing has been more common in Eastern papers 
of a certain class, than the declaration that "Kanzas was safe, it 
was not adapted by soil, climate, etc., for slave-labor;" and others 
who have been earnest to secure the result, have allowed themselves 
to be deceived with the idea that it has already been attained. 
Many even of the most enthusiastic advocates of the recent move- 
ment from the North, begin to feel as though having fought through 
the battle, they might sit down and exult over the victory; but so 
do not we feel who are still in the midst of the struggle; and we 
think, when the fact that 2,200 Pro-slavery votes were polled against 
less than 600 for Freedom, comes to be generally known, it will 
go far to set the true state of things before the country. 

It is true that Gen. Whitefield, representing the ultra South move- 
ment, has been elected to a seat at Washington, as delegate from 
Kansas. Whether he will retain that seat uncontested, is doubtful. 
There is evidence the most conclusive, that multitudes voting for 
him had no more right to vote than citizens now resident in New 
York had for his opponent, and there can be little doubt but that 
the election been confined to legal voters simply, the Free-Soil vote 
would have been the heaviest. But it could not be thus confined; 
the safeguards thrown around the ballot-box were not sufficient, 
and then force was at hand to control all efforts to sustain right. 19 

In a little settlement, about 7 miles from this place, where, it was 
a well-known fact, that there were only 60 voters, 260 votes were 
cast. In another, 700 illegal votes were known to be cast. They 
came upon the weakest points, in such numbers as to overbear all 
opposition. For days before the election they crowded by hundreds 
the roads leading to the various districts, always carrying with 
them a liberal supply of bad whiskey. Maddened by its influence, 
they were ready for any dishonorable or violent course. In the 
smaller districts, they could carry it all as they pleased, and they 
were even known to compel suspected persons to open their votes 
before casting them; and if not what they considered right, they 
were thrown out and the offerer threatened with violence. Acts 
similar to this, and even more atrocious, were the order of the day 
in most districts; and as might have been expected, two men were 
shot within a short distance from here. I do not think the annals 
of our country will furnish another instance of such high-minded 
mockery of the right of suffrage. 

19. The first election for a delegate to congress from the Kansas territory was held 
on November 29, 1854. J. W. Whitfield, the Proslavery candidate, was elected, polling 
2,258 votes out of a total of 2,833. Wilder, op. cit., pp. 52, 53. 


One more fact has just at this moment come to hand; in one of 
the more important districts, a ring of armed men was formed 
around the ballot-box, and every man was compelled to pass their 
ordeal before voting. It would seem that when such things could 
be proved, it were sufficient evidence to warrant the order for a 
new election, but the Governor thought differently. . . . 

But I would say a word of our church prospects. We have formed 
a church, now composed of about twenty male heads of families. 
When the families arrive they will add greatly to our numbers, so 
that we hope soon to have an efficient church. At least we greatly 
need the influence of such a church in holding in check the passions 
of men. The sooner we can surround ourselves with the safe- 
guards that the youth among us have left behind, the sooner shall 
we present a society similar to that at the East. A few of our num- 
ber spend an hour on Wednesday evening of each week, in a social 
prayer-meeting; and of all our meetings, this is the one most rich 
in blessing; we not only get nearer to our common Father, but we 
get nearer to each other's hearts, and feel an interest in each other 
that nothing else can awaken. After being deprived so long of this 
high privilege, it is deeply felt as the richest of all blessings. 

Our public worship is somewhat interrupted by the cold weather; 
not that we have much severe cold; yet we have no way of defend- 
ing ourselves from it. Our church, made of thatch, will do very 
well in mild weather, but when the winds sweep in from the prairies 
in all their violence, it is far different. On such occasions our 
audience is rather thin. . . . 

In reference to reception-houses, we are not provided as well as 
an eastern city would be, yet all who are reasonable can be tolerably 
accomodated until they can supply themselves. The day of suffer- 
ing is, we trust, mostly past. 

Yours, etc., 

S. Y. LUM. 

LAWRENCE, K. T. DEC. 23, 1854 

In making out the report of my first quarter's labor in this Terri- 
tory, I feel that I have but little in addition to what I have already 
communicated. My time has of necessity been so much occupied 
with the preparation for the comfort of my family that I feel little 
comparatively has been accomplished; and yet, in the light of 
eternity I trust, it will appear, that my first three months in the 


service of your Society, has not been altogether fruitless of good. 
Few of those who are not on the ground can appreciate the dis- 
advantages in the midst of which we have been compelled to 
labor. In most respects it is hardly likely that any which follow 
will be like the past. 

It is but a little more than four months since the first wave of 
emigration began to swell along the border of this then unknown 
Territory. Since then, wave has followed wave, with increasing 
rapidity & volume, until the desolate has become inhabited, & the 
unknown has become pretty thoroughly discovered. Late as was 
the season when the majority reached here, & actually destitute, 
as we then were of anything like protection from the approaching 
winter, there was apparently but one thought prevalent in all 
minds & all our energies were taxed in giving a physical form 
to that one thought . We must have buildings or perish & build- 
ings have arisen one after another until at this one point they 
number over eighty & accomodate a population of about 500. 20 
Scarcely another example of such rapid growth can be found, even 
in California . & though here it is undoubtedly the most rapid, yet 
all over the Territory is to be found abundant proofs of the interest 
which is taken in the settlement of Kansas. 

In the midst of the excitement which such a state of things 
naturally produces, it is not wonderful that the majority should 
feel little interest in spiritual things, time & thought were wholly 
absorbed in what appeared an immediate & absolute necessity. 
Considering these circumstances, I have been most pleased to find 
so large a number actuated by unwavering principles, so many 
ready to cooperate in every work likely to advance the interests of 
truth & righteousness. Yet that number is not yet by far so large 
as I at first supposed. The large majority of all who come to the 
Territory, so far as I have the means of judging, are actuated solely 
by selfish or mercenary motives. Many such are the open enemies 
of the dearest doctrines of the Cross, & declare themselves deter- 
mined to wage war against the introduction of "Orthodox senti- 

In my intercourse with this community, I have been pained to 
find not a few who have been professors of religion in Eastern 
Churches, openly avow themselves the enemies of the truths they 

20. A contemporary, John Doy, wrote on December 1, 1854, that on that date 33 
houses had been built in Lawrence. Malin, "Emergency Housing in Lawrence, 1854," 
loc. cit., p. 45. The Herald of Freedom, as cited by Professor Malin, reported on January 
13, 1855, that "three months ago there were no residences here other than tents; now 
there are over ninety in the city limits, and new ones added daily." Malin, "Housing 
Experiments in the Lawrence Community, 1855," loc. cit., p. 107. 


once espoused, trampling on the Sabbath, & ridiculing sacred 
things. On the other hand, I find a goodly number of true spirits, 
who have joyfully sacrificed the comforts of eastern homes, & the 
communion of eastern Christians, for the rescue & salvation of 
Kansas & here they maintain a character such as might be expected 
from such principles. They are truly sources of encouragement to 
which the missionary can go when depressed in view of temporal 
difficulty, or discouraged at the manyfold trials his field present. 
The weekly prayer meetings & we have two are made doubly 
precious from the presence & earnest prayers of such spirits. It is 
in these praying circles, & the dear Savior whom we are sure to 
meet there, that we place our hope in reference to a favorable issue 
in the times of conflict that now surround us. 

As I stated in a former letter there is already a liberal supply of 
missionaries from the various societies at this point, but two that 
I know of have gone to another part of the Territory one of 
these a Baptist Missionary & the other Rev. Mr. Blood, while no less 
than five Missionaries besides myself remain at this point. These 
are from the Baptist Home M. So. (they have two in the Terri- 
tory) the American M. Ass. the United Brethren M. Ass. & 
the Methodist Episcopal beside these, though not openly "mis- 
sionaries" there are two from the Christian denomination, one from 
the Swedenborgian, & one or two more of the Methodist etc. While 
this is so, yet I do not feel called to give up this important point & 
seek another. I was first on the ground & was unanimously chosen 
to supply the place for a year. Some of these whom I have noticed 
are excellent brethren & such as I would feel confidence in as fellow 
laborers; yet I think the Committee would justify me in not yielding 
the field, however much it might be desired by others especially as 
my people desire I should stay. 

This is one reason why I have as yet devoted nearly all my time 
to this point. As it becomes necessary from the urgency of certain 
parties, that something should be done, & as I desired an op- 
portunity to enter another very important opening, about 25 miles 
above here, I have given up to the others, every alternate Sabbath, 
that is for the present. 21 I find in my new field a few professing 
Christians, mostly connected with the New England Cong. Chs. 
If the place has the rapid growth that is expected in the Spring 
it will not be many months ere it will be expedient to form another 

21. Lum makes reference here to his ministry at Topeka. See his letter of December 
6, 1854, supra, p. 44. Lum conducted services ferquently in Topeka. On December 31, 
1854, Cyrus K. Holliday described a visit by Lum. Barnes, loc. cit., pp. 249, 250. 


church at that point; but these points are so far distant from each 
other that it will be a difficult matter for one man fully to attend 
to the duties thus devolving upon him; especially will this be true 
when the tide of emigration opens next season. This point will 
alone demand the entire energies of one and I have some hope that 
it will be able to do something for the support of a Mission 
though much cannot be expected, until we begin to be producers 
instead of consumers. 

I preached at this new point last Sabbath to about 25 as attentive 
listeners as I ever addressed, & was happy in being the first to 
declare the truth as it was in Jesus, upon a spot where thousands 
will yet congregate in the worship of God. . . . Our sanctuary 
was a small log house of Indian construction, formerly used for a 
dance house, but now as a store room. It is entirely without win- 
dows or means of light except the crevices left when building. 
Yet even here, in a room scarcely tententable by our poorer fam- 
ilies, East, & in almost total darkness, we had a most delightful 
season of communion with each other, & with our Heavenly Father; 
& I had the satisfaction of feeling that a good impression had been 
made upon some careless minds. I find that external circumstances 
have little to do with our real enjoyment. If the heart only be 
right, it is possible to put up with privations & that without feeling 
discomfort which would be thought in our former homes. . . . 

It is my opinion that there are few countries more healthy than 
this. Compared with the exposure there is little sickness but this 
is admitted on all hands to be a very favorable season. Were it 
not so, there must be much suffering. . . . 

Yours fraternally, 



Not being acquainted with the usual form of filling out a report 
such as is expected from me at the present time, I have adopted 
the following: 

1. The Church is called the Plymouth Congregational Church 
of Lawrence, K. T. 22 We are not yet divided into counties. 

2. During that part of the year, over which my commission ex- 
tends, I have had but two regular preaching places, one at Law- 

22. The Plymouth Congregational Church of Lawrence was organized on October 
15, 1854, under the leadership of Lum. Richard Cordley, A History of Lawrence, Kansas 
(Lawrence, 1895), p. 17. 


rence & the other at Topeka, 25 miles further up the river. The 
last has been a regular point for a little less than three months. 
I have preached at one other place, but only occasionally. 

3. The Church is composed of 14 members, 9 male and 5 female. 
Besides these there is an equal number whom we confidently ex- 
pect, at as early a day as possible, as soon, as they can get their 
letters from the East. Communication with the East is so much 
interrupted, from some cause, that letters of all kinds are often 
detained for more than a month on passage. Some are waiting 
for their friends to bring on their letters in the Spring. 

4. The attendance during the past winter has been very much 
under the control of the weather. Our house of worship has not 
been such as to protect us from the inclemency of the weather, 
when the cold was most severe; & from this cause at times we 
have been compelled, to suspend public worship, & meet in smaller 
circles in private rooms. This has been a serious drawback upon 
our little Society. When the weather has been at all fitting, there 
has been an average attendance of about 60 at Lawrence, though 
it has often doubled that number. At Topeka we have had an 
average of 20 in attendance, with a continual increase, and pros- 
pects of a rapid increase in the Spring. As these stations are so 
far a part & as there is every prospect of a rapid growth, it seems 
mighty important that another man should be on the ground as early 
as possible in the Spring. Either one of these [posts] must re- 
quire the full energies of a missionary and unless thus occupied, 
there is reason to fear that they will be taken up by those whose 
object is to destroy the truth as it is in Jesus. In view of these 
facts the inhabitants are very anxious that the right kind of a man 
should be sent out by your society. 

5. As yet, it is not my privilege to report any cases of conver- 
sion. The mind of the community has been kept in a continual 
state of intense excitement on subjects connected with land claims, 
the election, & slavery, that there seemed little room for subjects 
not so immediately connected with these temporal interests. At 
times, I have almost thought that the church was about to be en- 
gulfed in the wild vortex of excitement. It has proved a severe 
test of Christian Character. In the midst of such circumstances 
I have been pleased to find so many, not included in the church, 
who were thoughtful in reference to a future state. Never have 
I, in the East, preached to congregations more deeply interested, 
so far as appearances are an indication. I have found also, in my 


private intercourse with the people, a feeling of inquiry, & a tender- 
ness in reference to the subject of heartfelt religion, that has led 
me to hope that the truth is having its purifying effect. 

6. We have had no additions by Profession. 

7. The number who have handed in their letters, is 15; of this 
number, one has already left us, to join, as we confidently hope, the 
"Church triumphant." Mr. Lewis L. Litchfield, after a protracted 
and painful illness, which he bore with true Christian resignation, 
died two weeks since, triumphing in God. ... To die battling 
for the truth in Kansas, seemed a short way to the crown; & as 
we reviewed the scene, we felt new courage for the conflict before 
us, wishing only to fall in complete armor. 

8. Our Sabbath school numbers 32, & the Bible Class 25. The 
former includes nearly all the children of the proper age in the 
vicinity. . . . 

9. But one church has as yet been organized, that is the one at 
this place. Another will soon be demanded at Topeka, where there 
are a number of families who sympathize with evangelical truth, 
& much desire a church & a preacher. ... I have also received 
an invitation from persons at Osawattomie, a town at the junction 
of the Osage and Potawatomie rivers, to come & organize them 
into a church. There are 12 families all of whom desire a Cong. 
Chh. formed among them. This is about 50 miles south of this 

10. Our contributions have, of course, been small. Most of 
our members are of the poorer class, & find all they can do to meet 
current expenses. Yet they intend commencing in the spring to 
do what they are able for my support. The amount depends en- 
tirely upon the character of the Spring emigration I hope it will 
be conciderable. At the Monthly Concert which was instituted at 
as early a day as possible the contributions have amount to $2.53 
so small that no disposition has as yet been made of it. The sum 
would have been much larger were it not that most of our prom- 
inent men have been absent during the Winter. Some of them 
have returned to the states for their families, others have been 
absent on business. Thus the responsibility has devolved upon 
the young men of the Church & in many ways have I found them 
of valuable service. 

During most of the Winter we have not been at all protected 
in our Public Worship but about 2 weeks since a hall 20 by 30 
feet was completed, & placed at our disposal. This though rough 


in appearance is so much in advance of what we had occupied up 
to that time, that we feel quite satisfied for the present though it 
will barely hold all who sometimes turn out. We hope that some- 
thing will be done soon at the East to aid us in the erection of a 
church edifice. No doubt this would aid materially in attracting 
here the right kind of persons & thus the more surely & speedily 
build up a self-sustaining & efficient church. 

I find that when I wrote last I had not become fully acquainted 
with all classes of men I had to come in contact with out here & 
the more of experience [?] I have on this subject, the more am I 
led to believe that, in many respects, there are few fields of labor 
more difficult of cultivation than this. All kinds of radical ideas 
are pretty fully represented here, and I have almost thought, at 
times, that all this class of persons from the entire Union, are flow- 
ing in, in hopes of realizing their wildest schemes. Time after 
time, they have made their boast that they would crowd orthodoxy 
out of Kansas. Yet I trust, in this they will be disappointed; there 
is no kind of misrepresentation or misstatement, to which they have 
not already resorted, to shake, if possible, the confidence of the 
community in those who adhere to the truth. Their influence with 
candid men is constantly decreasing. 

I trust that there will be soon large numbers of true men join 
us who will help to stay the flood of iniquity & infidelity that is 
threatening. Especially is it important that the churches, who feel 
any interest in the development of the truth in Kansas, should mani- 
fest that interest in nobly sustaining those Societies that are to be 
the instruments, under God, of making this new & beautiful terri- 
tory all that our hearts could desire. I do most sincerely hope that 
the church, North and East, will speedily furnish your Society 
with the means of sending a large reinforcement to this field at the 
earliest possible moment. Would that they could see, as we on the 
ground see, the important issues that are pending & so soon to 
be settled for the truth or otherwise. If the advocates of a free 
Gospel, do not occupy the position it will not therefore, be left un- 
occupied, as is already clearly indicated. . . . 

Respectfully yours 

S. Y. LUM 



April, 1855 

My report for the quarter ending March 23 is as you see, some 
days behind its proper time, circumstances beyond my control 
have delayed my writing until the present time & until within the 
last few days but little has occurred to give interest to my cor- 
respondence. All has been excitement with reference to our com- 
ing election. 23 This one subject seemed to assume in most minds 
more importance than all others. In this district, we were par- 
ticularly interested, from the fact that we were expecting a large 
delegation from Mo. to assist us in choosing a legislature. 

The excitement pervaded all minds, & could be seen nowhere 
more clearly than in the lessened number at our religious meetings. 
Almost every thought was concentrated on the issue just before 
us & every effort put forth to meet that issue. If such times of 
trial lead the church to God as their only resource, they will tend 
to a rapid Christian growth; but if, as was too much the case here, 
they seek aid from human wisdom alone, they are the most dis- 
astrous occurrences that can befall any Christian community. Thus 
I do not feel that the few weeks past have secured much in a right 

The election has passed & passed in such a manner as to render 
it almost certain that it will be declared void, & another one or- 
dered, which will in all probability, be more exciting & violent than 
the last. It has been estimated from the best information that can 
be gathered, that there was not less than 5000 persons, from Mis- 
souri & other Southern States in the Territory on the day of election 
& here for the sole purpose of voting after which they would return 
to their homes, until another similar case should call them here. 
The polls at Lawrence were surrounded at an early hour by about 
700 of these visitors, prepared to carry every thing before them 
for the legal voters in the district do not amount to 400. in other 
districts near, the proportion of transient voters was even much 
greater; & there is no kind of abuse or violence which they are 
not ready to offer to all promiscuously, who come from the North 
or East. 

23. The election, which resulted in the "Bogus" legislature, was held on March 30, 
1855. The election returns by districts are listed in Wilder, op. cit., pp. 59-61. Prof. 
James C. Malin points out that "according to the census taken preceding the election, 
settlers of slave state origin were present in a clear majority. Although the facts are not 
available to provide proof one way or another, the reasonable presumption is that the so- 
called Proslavery party could have carried the election decisively. Upon that basis, the 
action of Missourians in invading Kansas and voting illegally, was an inexcusable blunder." 
James C. Malin, "Judge Lecompte and the 'Sack of Lawrence,' May 21, 1856," The 
Kansas Historical Quarterly, Topeka, v. 20 (August, 1953), p. 466. 


What is to be the result of these things if they continue, is more 
than human eye can foresee. One thing is certain, they check 
very much the progress of true Christianity. Should the emigra- 
tion of the present season be large, it will do much to controll these 
things; especially, will it be so, if it be exactly the right kind. Oh 
that the churches East, would send us hosts of their tried & faithful 
men, men who would stand firm trusting in the Lord of hosts even 
amid the wildest waves of excitement. Such are the men for Kan- 
sas! those whom neither fear nor a bribe can move from their 
steadfastness! There is sterling work to be done, not the least of 
which is to controll the outbreaking passions of men, on both sides 
of the great question that so deeply agitates us. But there are other 
dangers that await the comers to this new Territory, than those 
which grow out of the political agitation. Every month's residence 
here develops this fact more fully. 

The circumstances under which mind is thrown in this wild 
frontier life, for it can be called nothing else as yet, engenders a 
recklessness, & freedom from restraint, that too often, prove fatal 
to the principles, as well as the practices of a home society & it is 
not too much to say, that we have the material, for either the worst, 
or the best, state of society in our country. There are surely enough 
influences at work, unless counteracted by the Infinite One through 
the efforts of His church to overthrow any society. 

The first waves of eastern emigration begin to be felt here, & 
they bear to us some choice spirits. 24 From present appearances, 
I think we may hope for a higher state of character in some re- 
spects, than that which came last Fall. A greater proportion seem 
earnest Christians & from the interest, with which they enter into 
our social gatherings for prayer, they encourage the hope of eminent 
usefulness in our midst. As the families move in the Sabbath school 
is rapidly increasing, & the Bible Class receives new accessions 
& awakens a deeper interest. 

But the emigration brings with it some disadvantages. We have 
been compelled to give up our comfortable place of worship to be 
fitted up as a boarding house & we are again driven to the thatch 
house, which will soon also be filled with the coming. Would that 
some liberal hands might be opened to give us a permanent place 
of worship! Nothing could do more to aid the missionary in his 
work for while thus driven from place to place it is very difficult 
to secure a permanent audience. g y LUM. 

24. Three parties left for Kansas during March, 1855, under the auspices of the New 
England Emigrant Aid Company. Louise Barry, "The New England Emigrant Aid Com- 
pany Parties of 1855," ibid., v. 12 (August, 1943), pp. 227-248. 


LAWRENCE, K. T. JUNE 23rd/55 

During the quarter that has just passed, I had intended to have 
written another communication but we have been thrown into such 
circumstances as to render it impossible. My labors have never 
been more excessive & burdensome than for a few months past, 
while at the same time I have not had the same amount of physical 
energy as heretofore to bring to the issue. 

We have been realizing some of the effects of the exposure to 
which most of us were subjected last Winter: & considering 
the circumstances, it would have been wonderful had there been no 
more than an ordinary amount of disease. Exposure & bad diet 
had prepared the way for disease & death; & yet they have not been 
as prevalent as would have been expected, in any ordinary climate. 

My own family have not been exempt from suffering. Early in 
the spring, we were called to part with one of our dear children. 
The anxiety & watching necessary, added to the causes already 
noticed, prostrated nearly every member of my family. I began 
to fear I should be left alone & we began to fear that there was 
little romance in pioneer life, as we were experiencing it. It re- 
quired not a little faith to toil on, under such circumstances, with bad 
health & in many ways destitute of the common comforts of life. 
Yet it was a position of usefulness & promise, & trusting in God, 
we were determined to go forward, leaving health, & life even, 
in his hands. 

God has been better to us than our fears, & in love has kept us 
while in the midst of sickness & danger. But not a few have died 
around us, & I have been called to attend from 3 to 4 funerals a 
week. Almost all of this kind of work devolved upon me, adding 
quite materially to my other labors, & often preventing me from 
fulfilling my regular appointments. 

Thus it is true that during the past three months my station at 
Topeka has been left almost entirely to other hands. I had hoped, 
that before I was compelled to give it up, a man would have been 
designated for that field by your Soc, but as most of my time is de- 
manded here, & as there are several places where congregations 
could be collected near at hand & where they are very desirous to 
have preaching, I have thought best to withdraw from that field, 
& I have done so with not a little reluctance. Could I have spent 
my whole time there, or could some one from your Society have 
gone in early Spring, there might now have been a strong organiza- 
tion strong for this Territory. I hope yet someone may arrive in 


time to gather the scattering elements, before they are all absorbed 
by denominations teaching few if any of the essential doctrines 
of the Cross. 25 A strong effort has been made there, as well as 
here, to produce an union of all denominations upon a basis having 
no creed & no discipline. By such means, those who ignore Christ's 
divinity, the need of regeneration, &c. &c., hoped to get a con- 
troling influence. But thus far the plan has not succeeded. The 
true children of God stand aloof from such schemes, & are anxious 
to have the lines between the church & the world distinctly drawn 
& the character of Christianity elevated rather than lowered. 

Since my last report 3 more Sabbath schools have been formed 
in connection with the society with which I labor. In these schools, 
there are about 80 children regularly collected to learn the way 
of life. Nothing gives more hope in reference to the future of 
Kansas, than the fact that many of the children are learning the 
truths of God's Word in the Sabbath school. Many of these chil- 
dren too are from parts of the Western states where they never 
heard of the Sabbath School & were in darkness almost heathenish. 

The spring emigration has brought with it some valuable ac- 
cessions to our little society, & we feel that we have a steady though 
not as rapid a growth as we expected. 26 There is also a deeper 
interest manifested among those who have been here during the 
Winter, & who have scarcely attended divine worship so that on 
every hand there is ground for encouragement. 

There is nothing we want next to the blessing of God more than 
a place of worship that we can have the control of & call our own. 
The hall where we meet is not uncomfortable, but it is subject to 
the direction of others for much of the time. There will probably 
be two churches erected during the present season, one by the 
Methodist Soc. & the other by the Unitarian Soc. Rev. Mr. Nute 
has brought on $5000, so it is understood, for the purpose of erecting 
a Unitarian church though there is no Society formed here as yet. 27 

The very fact of having a comfortable church edifice will give 
to any Soc. or preacher an influence under the circumstances in 

25. The organization of the "Free Congregational Church of Topeka" was completed 
at Constitution Hall on July 14, 1856. The Rev. Lewis Bodwell, well-known frontier 
minister, preached his initial sermon in Topeka as the first regularly appointed pastor on 
October 26, 1856. Russell K. Hickman, "Lewis Bodwell, Frontier Preacher; The Early 
Years," ibid., v. 12 (August, 1943), pp. 271, 279. 

26. Nine parties had arrived in Kansas under the auspices of the New England Emi- 
grant Aid Company by the time that Lum wrote this letter. Louise Barry, "The New 
England Emigrant Aid Company Parties of 1855," loc. cit., pp. 227-268. 

27. On May 27, 1855, Mrs. Sara Robinson described the arrival in Lawrence of the 
Rev. Ephraim Nute, a clergyman sent to Kansas by the Unitarian Association, as follows: 
"We are glad he has come among us with his genial sympathies, his heart warmth, his 
earnest ways, his outspoken words for truth, and his abiding love for freedom and right." 
Sara T. L. Robinson, Kansas; Its Interior and Exterior Life (Boston, 1857), pp. 59, 60. 


which we are placed that will be important. In no way could the 
work be more advanced than by the churches of the East, who 
are looking with such interest to Kansas, than by sending the 
means for such a building in every important town. We feel that 
this is an important matter. We are willing to do all in our power, 
but we are too weak to accomplish what is necessary. 

Would that I could reach the ears of the Church at the East! 
I would say There is no way in which you can accomplish what 
you desire for Kansas, no way in which you can secure the insti- 
tutions which you desire to establish there, so certainly, as by 
furnishing her with faithful heralds of the Cross, & then by giving 
them the means of accomplishing the work which a man might 
almost as well not enter a field, as to be left, when there, unfur- 
nished for his work. There is much responsibility resting upon 
the churches of our land, in reference to the Home Missionary 
work. They have, as yet, only begun to see it in its true light. 

The quarter closes June 23rd. The amount due me from the 
Society is $125 as I have received nothing from any quarter during 
the past 3 months. 

Yours truly, 

S. Y. LUM. 

LAWRENCE K. T. Aug 6th 1855 

Your letter accompanying a draft for $125. arrived a few days 
since. You say it completes my salary for the year, & wonder that 
I "insinuated" otherwise. I thought I had good reason to suppose 
that the first remittance was a donation at least Mr. S. C. Pom- 
eroy stated that he had received a letter in answer to one he had 
written in which it was declared thus to be but not feeling sure 
from the language of the letter which contained it I wrote once 
& again specifically to know, whether it were thus or not, whether 
I should consider it a part of my stipulated sum. To those en- 
quiries I received no direct answer but in the note from the 
clerk, accompanying the draft of Apr 21st it was stated that the 
enclosed was for the quarter ending March 25th. Of course that 
is the way I supposed my account stood for the books, & was not 
a little surprised to find it otherwise. 

As the misunderstanding has caused some little embarrassment 
I hope there will be no cause for it in the future. I have been 
endeavoring to make arrangements for a more comfortable house 


for the coming winter but have concluded to suspend in part my 
preparations. The year has been one of very high prices in nearly 
every direction flour has been until very recently as high as 
$14.50 a barrel, corn meal $8. molasses from 75 cents to $1 a 
gall cheese 20 to 25 cts a Ib. This is of course very destructive 
to a persons funds, (& all that has kept us along, is the means 
secured by Mrs. Lum's keeping boarders.) 

When I came to Lawrence I did hope that long ere this my 
people would feel able to contribute something toward my support 
& have endeavored to bring their mind to this point but as yet 
no one from any of the Missionary associations have been assisted 
by the people here & then under the expenses of the high living 
& starting anew in every direction feel at liberty to hold back in 
this direction thinking that the East should supply their spiritual 
wants. I do intend that it shall be materially otherwise at the 
commencement of a new year & shall do all in my power to make 
it so. . . . 

There have been times during the month or two past when I 
have thought it impossible to remain here with my family We 
have been called to part with one of our dear little ones & Mrs. 
Lum by constant labor, above her strength & the excessive excite- 
ment that surrounds us has for weeks been laid upon a bed of 
sickness which we feared would prove fatal. She was taken with 
Nervous Typhoid fever in the midst of the hot weather but by the 
blessing of a kind Providence she is slowly recovering. Church 
matters are in about the same condition they were when I wrote 
last but not so encouraging as we could desire. 

Yours truly 

S. Y. LUM. 

P. S. If any part of this are made public please withhold that 
enclosed in brackets. 

LAWRENCE, K. T. Sept 23rd 1855 

Another quarter of my missionary labor has passed & this com- 
pletes the first year of my connection with the A. H. M. Soc. 
Though in some respects my hopes have not been realized, yet 
there has been steady & encouraging progress made so much so 
that the time has come when the erection of some kind of a com- 
fortable house of worship is a necessity. Where, but one year 
ago I found but little over a hundred persons just arrived in this 


unknown country, without shelter from sun or storm, I now find 
near 1000 inhabitants with first class buildings of stone in every 
direction, either erected, or in process of erection. Business men 
with all the caution that characterizes that class in reference to new 
settlements have invested largely in what they feel, is to be the 
1st. or one of the 1st cities of Kansas, & already, 6 large stores are 
in successful operation, some of them in buildings that would be 
no discredit to Eastern business places. 

This seems also to be the center of religious influence in the 
Territory at least all denominations deem it highly important 
to have a foothold here. 4 churches have been formed & another 
is in immediate prospect these are, the Congregational, Meth- 
odist, Baptist, United Brethren & Unitarian. These divisions of 
evangelical Christians seems most unfortunate, where the whole 
united are so weak, & will remove, much further off the time, when 
the gospel can be sustained independent of foreign help, but it was 
impossible to avoid it. Two of the churches named above intend 
to erect suitable houses of worship this fall or rather I should say, 
commence them this fall, the others would they keep pace with 
the rapid movement around us, must not hold back in this respect. 

During the three months just closed I have found the interest 
in our prayer meetings constantly increasing & this too in the 
midst of the excitement, which the doings of our Missouri legisla- 
ture, have produced. 28 God's children have felt that in Him was 
their only resource from legislative tyranny, & appealing to Him 
for wisdom & guidance, they are resolved to follow the path of 
right & duty at whatever hazzard. But we do not anticipate any 
violent enforcement of those iniquitous acts, the authors know 
too well, that the result would be anything but healthful to them- 
selves, or advantageous to their cause. Infinite Wisdom will turn 
the wrath of man to the furtherance of its own purposes. . . . 

It should be borne in mind by those who contribute to the sup- 
port of missions in Kansas, that our circumstances are peculiar, 
unlike those of any other Territory, no emigration had preceded us, 
& we had (the first year) no means of support within ourselves 
it has been one continual drain upon our pockets, which in most 
cases has taxed all our energies to supply, prices of the com- 
monest necessities of life have been what our neighbours of Mo have 

28. The "Bogus" legislature elected on March 30, 1855, assembled at Pawnee, near 
Fort Riley, on July 2, 1855, and adjourned on July 6, to meet at Shawnee on July 16. 
The legislature passed many laws which are found in the volume of 1,058 pages entitled 
The Statutes of the Territory of Kansas. Included was a strong statement of the Proslavery 
position in an "Act to punish offenses against slave property." Wilder, op. cit., pp. 73, 74. 


seen fit to ask in most cases very exorbitant. The coming year 
in this respect will be very different as we now begin to have a 
supply of many things within ourselves. . . . 

Yours truly, 

S. Y. LUM 

LAWRENCE, K. T. December, 1855 
EDITOR, The Home Missionary 29 

In some respects, our prospects as a church were never brighter 
than at present. We have frequent accessions, and of a character 
that will be permanent and valuable; and we certainly need all of 
the right stamp that can be induced to come here, for we have much 
work for Christians to do. Sin and error of every kind grow with 
vigorous and rapid strides in a soil such as is afforded in a new and 
forming community like this; and while the church has advanced 
slowly, evil, in some directions has made fearful headway. 

A few months since, public sentiment was such, that not a drop 
of liquor could be publicly obtained in the vicinity; and it was 
necessary to secure the certificate of a physician, before it could 
be obtained for medicinal purposes. Now, there are grog-shops on 
every hand, and the majority of young men are frequenters of 
such places. 30 This is naturally attendant upon the wild excite- 
ments in which we are compelled to live. For months past, our 
young men have been in constant drill for war-, and such associa- 
tions stir up the worst passions of our nature. We hope that the 
worst excitement has passed; but we have thought so before, and 
have been disappointed; and it may be thus in the present case. 

There never has been such danger of actual hostilities a civil 
war as that which we have just passed through, and which you 
no doubt, have received full reports ere this. But as reports are 

29. The contents of this letter indicate conclusively that it was written in December, 
1855. The letter was printed in The Home Missionary, New York, v. 28 (March, 1856), 
pp. 364, 365. The Herald of Freedom, December 29, 1855, reported that the thermome- 
ter had reached 22 degrees below zero during the week, in keeping with Lum's descrip- 
tion in the last paragraph. The issue of the paper could not be printed on schedule because 
it was impossible to thaw out the paper stock. 

30. The response to grog shops in Lawrence in January, 1857, has been described 
as follows: "Action was forthcoming on Saturday, January 24, 1857, [when] at half past 
ten in the morning about forty women of Lawrence, who had carefully worked out their 
plans at previous meetings, set out on a tour of inspection of reputed groggeries. Instead 
of two they found no less than seven in full operation. This was a discouraging situation 
in a town of a thousand inhabitants, which prided itself on being a temperance community, 
but the women were equal to the task they had set for themselves. With true frontier 
simplicity they resorted to the one remedy that they had effective and with little waste 
of time they went from liquor shop to liquor shop and in each case speedily wrought the 
destruction of all the intoxicants that could be located. No determined resistance was 
offered by the liquor dealers, probably because of a strong body of men who had come 
prepared to protect the women against molestation." Otto F. Frederickson, "The Liquor 
Question in Kansas Before Constitutional Prohibition" (Ph.D. thesis, University of Kansas, 
1931), pp. 159, 160. 



very conflicting, it may be satisfactory to hear the facts from a 
known source. 31 Early in November, a peaceable and unoffending 
citizen, a Free-State man, was brutally murdered in cold blood by 
a Pro-Slavery man, a few miles from Lawrence. The settlers in 
the vicinity, having no hope from the mock-law of the Territory, 
which was not made for such men, designed administering justice 
in defiance of law. The culprit, shielded by Pro-Slavery men, es- 
caped into Missouri; and, as he left, set fire to his own house, and 
also to one or two others of his associates, thus giving the impres- 
sion that the Free-State men had commenced the work of extermi- 
nating their opposers. This report flew on the wings of lightning 
through all parts of Missouri; and the Governor, to give it counte- 
nance (without investigation), issued his proclamation. 

In these ways, in the course of two weeks, there were collected 
near Lawrence, at three points, somewhere near two thousand 
armed men, who openly avowed their intention of burning the 
town, and entirely exterminating the whole Free-State party; and 
I have but little doubt that they fully intended to put in execution 
their fell purpose. Matters began truly to assume a warlike at- 
titude. The Free-State men came pouring in from all quarters, in 
order that they might repulse the enemy at the first attack, and 
thus prevent a general devastation. Mud forts were thrown up 
in several parts of the town, sentinels were constantly on duty, 
and scouting parties, day and night, were watching the movements 
of the enemy. All the public buildings were turned into barracks 
the preaching hall with the rest; and nothing was thought of but 
the best means of defense. 

The members of my little church, though deprived of their 
place for public worship, met in the private circle for prayer, and 
with deep earnestness and holy confidence in God, sought wisdom 
as well as strength from on high. They felt much like the fathers 

31. Lum describes the events associated with the Wakarusa War. Franklin Coleman, 
a Pro-slavery settler, killed C. W. Dow, a Free-State man, at Hickory Point, 12 miles south 
of Lawrence. The cabins of some Proslavery settlers in the community were burned by 
Free-State sympathizers. Jacob Branson, a friend of Dow, was arrested by Sheriff Samuel 
J. Jones on November 27, 1855. The prisoner was rescued by a Free-State party under 
the leadership of S. N. Wood. The events developed as described by Lum. Wilson Shannon 
was the governor. The spokesman for the Free-State group at Lawrence was Dr. Charles 
Robinson. The agreement signed at Lawrence on December 9 by Shannon, Robinson, and 
Lane is often referred to as the "Treaty of Lawrence." It is in this period that John Brown 
became active in Kansas developments. 

Lum's statement in this letter that the cabins of Proslavery settlers were set on fire by 
Coleman as a ruse to blame the Free-State men is not in accord with the version generally 
cited. Johnson, op. cit., pp. 138-144; Wilder, op. cU., p. 90. However, The Herald of 
Freedom, December 29, 1855, stated: "It is the opinion of every person well-informed 
on the subject in Kansas, that the Coleman and Buckley houses at Hickory Point were 
burned by pro-slavery persons, for the purpose of stimulating outrages upon the Free-State 
men." A contemporary account of these developments is found in Sara Robinson, op. cit., 
p. 128-159. The agreement between Shannon, Robinson, and Lane is found in The Herald 
of Freedom, January 12, 1856. 


of the Revolution, determined to die; if necessary, in the cause of 
God and the right. After two weeks of such excitement, a deputa- 
tion from the enemy's camp came into town, in company with the 
governor, to see if anything could be done to prevent a general 
slaughter. They began to wish for some honorable way out of their 
bad position. The settlers were too well prepared for defense, to 
permit them to hope for an easy victory; and they did not like to 
look at the certain death which would undoubtedly have been the 
fate of most of their number in case of an attack. So they con- 
cluded to try diplomacy. The delegation were treated respectfully, 
were told our position, and our determination either to live or die 
by them. 

The consultation was continued for two days; when the Gov- 
ernor professed himself satisfied, and gave orders to the army of 
invasion to beat a retreat, which they were not slow to do. As 
has been since said by those interested on their side, they did not 
expect such stern resistance; and though they brought several 
batteries of canon, yet they were only for use in case there was no 
fighting on our side! 

We are now experiencing most severe weather; the thermometer 
has been within a week as low as 24 below zero; and it is about 
impossible to keep warm enough to write. 

S. Y. LUM 

(The Concluding Installment, Containing the Lum Letters of 
1856-1858, Will Appear in the Summer, 1959, Issue.) 

William Sutton White, Swedenborgian Publicist 




/ 1pHE question of the influence of ideas is often beset with diffi- 
* culties, but in the case of William Sutton White, editor of the 
Wichita Beacon, 1876-1887, the major influences upon his thought 
are clear; the principal one, Emanuel Swedenborg (1688-1772), and 
less explicitly, Herbert Spencer (1820-1903), Swede and English- 
man respectively. For present purposes only the briefest indica- 
tion of their systems of thought can be given, and of White's use 
of them. Any really adequate presentation of White's dozen years 
as publicist would require a full-length book. 


Emanuel Swedenborg (1688-1772) was a scientist, technologist, 
philosopher, and theologian; unquestionably one of the significant 
savants of the 18th century; the second son of Jesper Swedberg, 
bishop of Skara, and earlier a professor at the University of Upp- 
sala, where in 1709, ES completed his formal university training. 
In 1719 the family was ennobled by Queen Ulrica Eleanora, the 
name then changing to Swedenborg. ES's first tour of foreign 
study began in 1710; two and one half years in London and Ox- 
ford, where his principal interests were mathematics and astron- 
omy. He continued his studies on the continent, in the Nether- 
lands, and in Paris, 1713-1715, returning to Sweden to devote him- 
self to natural science, engineering, and invention, interrupted only 
by successive extended periods of foreign travel and study. In 
1716 King Charles XII appointed him extraordinary assessor of 
mines. Swedenborg distinguished himself in the several major 
branches of science: anatomy, astronomy, chemistry, geology, math- 
ematics, mineralogy, physics, physiology, and psychology. 

Until 1734 Swedenborg's career is usually viewed as strictly 

DR. JAMES C. MALIN, associate editor of The Kansas Historical Quarterly and author 
of several books relating to Kansas and the West, is professor of history at the University 
of Kansas, Lawrence. 



that of scholar, scientist, and engineer; an investigator of nature, 
especially in its physical aspects. The second period of his life, 
1734-1745, focused upon biology, in which he is said to have made 
important scientific contributions to anatomy, physiology, and 
psychology. In the interpretative sense, this second period has 
been designated as the search for the soul in nature. His third 
period, 1745-1772, was devoted to theological studies, or to "The 
Kingdom of God/' subsequent to his "Illumination," when he in- 
sisted that he had been admitted to the world of spirits and there- 
after considered himself as merely the instrument of the Lord 
to explain the internal meaning of the "Word," the Scriptures. 
Although some anticipation of this new departure appeared earlier, 
the transition period proper extended over the years 1743-1747, 
when, in 1747, he resigned from the board of mines to devote his 
entire time to this new mission. 1 


The Swedenborg theology as summarized for present purposes 
is treated under four heads: Jehovah Creator, The Word (Scrip- 
tures), the succession of churches, and the Lord as Redeemer and 
Divine Activity. Jehovah God is infinite and eternal. The uni- 
verse and man are created, therefore, finite and exist in space and 
time as emanations from the Eternal. As all this is beyond the 
comprehension of finite man, by analogy the Sun metaphor is used 
as the nearest, although inadequate mode of conveying the mean- 
ing. The Sun as the center of the solar system radiates light and 
heat into outer darkness. 

Matter is that which is more remote from the central source of 
force and motion; the material and the immaterial both being force 
and motion, only differently organized. Swedenborg conceived of 
the universe as being formed by an evolutionary process, a spiral 

1. The best single biography of Swedenborg, is Cyriel Odhner Sigstedt, The Swedenborg 
Epic; The Life and Works of Emanuel Swedenborg (New York; The Book Associates, 1952). 
See, also, George Trowbridge, Swedenborg: Life and Teaching, fourth edition of 1934 (New 
York; The Swedenborg Foundation, 1955); Signe Toksvig, Emanuel Swedenborg: Scientist 
and Mystic (New Haven; Yale University Press, 1948). All of these biographical studies 
are from the Swedenborg point of view. No competent independent biography has appeared. 

Brief biographical sketches of Swedenborg appear in the encyclopedias, the more signifi- 
cant being L. B. DeBeaumont, Encyclopedia of Religion and Ethics, edited by James Hast- 
ings, 12 volumes (New York; Charles Scribner's Sons, 1951), v. 12, pp. 129-132; Alexander 
James Grieve, Encyclopedia Britannica, eleventh edition (1910), v. 26, pp. 221-223; ibid., 
1957 edition, abbreviated and revised by "X," v. 21, pp. 653-654; Frank Sewall, The New 
Schaff-Hertzog Encyclopedia of Religion, edited by Samuel Macauley Jackson (New York; 
Funk and Wagnalls Co., 1911), v. 11, pp. 183-189; N. A. Weber, The Catholic Encyclo- 
pedia, edited by Charles H. Hebermann, 15 volumes (New York; Robert Appleton Company, 

On the New Church, or the Church of the New Jerusalem, the best, and almost the 
only work, except encyclopedia articles, is Marguerite Beck Black (1889- ), The New 
Church in the New World (New York, Henry Holt, 1932). 

In American perspective, a particularly interesting book is Helen Keller, My Religion 
(New York; The Swedenborg Foundation, Inc., 1956 edition). 


nebular hypothesis. The smallest unit in his conception of physics 
is a mathematical point, which, if extended traces a line, a line 
extended becomes a plane, and a plane extended encloses a solid; 
thus space is accounted for by means of mathematical physics. 
Matter is organized in space into vortical atoms; particles at the 
core with other particles rotating around them. Each atom sets 
up a magnetic field. Solar systems are formed out of atoms; the 
galaxies are composed of solar systems; and the whole universe 
is a system of galaxies, with its magnetic field of force. Here, in 
his mathematical-physical system by which Swedenborg accounted 
for creation according to his version of the nebular hypothesis, he 
set up his model of a macrocosm-microcosm relationship which 
prevailed as between each order of magnitude from the smallest 
atom to the whole universe. By analogy, God had a similar re- 
lationship, so far as infinite and finite could be compared. 

Man is created in the image of God. The individuation of man 
was accounted for by conceiving of his material body as a tempo- 
rary receptacle for the soul, and the soul in turn received life by 
influx from God. As God is order, all creation is according to 
order. In other words, all created things are governed by Divine 
law, without exceptions not even God can suspend Divine law 
as the expression of Divine wisdom. This point must never be lost 
sight of if Swedenborg's concept of evil, of salvation, and of re- 
generation are to be understood. Man is created with complete 
freedom of will, and out of love of self and of the world, is free 
to choose evil, and by doing so sins against God and withdraws 
himself from the love of God. Thus by his free choices, man is 
good or evil, and creates his own heaven or hell, which are not 
places, but states of being. 

The Word of God is recorded in the Scriptures allegorically in 
three degrees of correspondences; the literal, the spiritual, and 
the celestial, and is understood according to the capacities of men. 
By being admitted to the world of spirits, Swedenborg was con- 
vinced he became the servant of the Lord to reveal the highest 
form of truth as it was clothed in allegorical form in the Scriptures. 

Just as men created their own heaven or hell, so each man be- 
came a church: "The church is within man and not outside of him; 
and that every man is a church in whom the Lord is present in the 
good of love and of faith." In another context, the exposition as- 
serted that "the right understanding" of the Word, "constituted the 
church." Prior to the Lord's First Advent, the churches were repre- 


sentative. This requires some explanation because Swedenborg 
held that there had been four churches or dispensations prior to the 
Second Coming of the Lord in 1757 which ushered in the New 
Church, or the Church of the New Jerusalem. The four were the 
Adamic, the Noahtic, the Israelitish ( or Jewish ) , and the Christian. 

At the beginning of the Adamic or Most Ancient Church (Adam 
was an era, not a man), men conversed with Angels, knew truth 
from falsehood intuitively, and thus received the doctrine in a 
spiritual sense. But man being free to choose, closed his mind to 
the Lord and the heavenly love with its truth. Step by step the 
Adamic mind withdrew further until the Lord intervened to restore 
equilibrium, and conditions requisite for the exercise of a true 
freedom of choice. The second, the Noahtic, or Ancient Church, 
appeared after the flood not of water, but of evils and falsities by 
which a new start was made by some people called Noah, whose 
nature underwent a change whereby they survived, were given a 
faculty called conscience or reason, to replace intuition, and they 
developed writing by the use of symbols; the records of Moses were 
in symbolic language, and not meant to be historical. True his- 
torical writing began with Abraham. This church degenerated and 
was succeeded by the third, the Israelitish, which in turn de- 
generated, and was replaced by the Christian church. The advent 
of the Lord through His Divine Humanity was to battle against 
accumulated evil and to redeem mankind. Thus Jehovah God, 
Creator, became also Redeemer, and Divine Activity the Trinity of 
Person with which the Christian dispensation opened. 

In this capacity of God, as Creator, Redeemer, and Divine 
Activity, Swedenborg differed from the orthodox Christian interpre- 
tation of the Trinity the Nicene creed, endorsed by the Council 
of Nicaea in A. D. 325, which, according to his interpretation, in- 
troduced a polytheism in the Trinity of Persons. In the Sweden- 
borgian theology, Father, Son, and Holy Spirit, were three mani- 
festations of one and the same Being. 

Swedenborg repudiated also that version of the traditional plan 
of salvation which represented God as angry, whose Son was cruci- 
fied to propitiate Him, and to cancel "the sentence of damnation, 
yet only in behalf of those for whom the Son should intercede, and 
that so He becomes a Mediator in the presence of the Father 
forever." Swedenborg could not accept any representation of God 
except in terms of Divine love, who could not logically operate 
upon any plan involving anger, vengeance, or punishment from 


the Lord. Man brought upon himself by his free choice the punish- 
ments of sin. According to order, the consequences of sin could 
not be remitted. By the Passion on the Cross, the Lord, in his 
Divine humanity underwent temptation as man, but in overcoming 
temptation restored the equilibrium in the spiritual world under 
which the free choice of man between good and evil was effective. 

Correcting further what Swedenborg considered the prevailing 
errors of the orthodox church, he emphasized that, as effects from 
cause, the penalties of sin were not remitted, removed or shifted. 
By being saved from sin was meant, saved from sinning that he 
might undergo regeneration, the regeneration being effected through 
the Holy Spirit, the Divine Activity, the third aspect of the Trinity 
of Person. The process of regeneration begins in this world by the 
free choice of man in accepting the plan of reconciliation with the 
Lord, and is continued in the next world to eternity the man 
chooses good instead of evil, hates evil as a sin, and does good to 
the neighbor according to the Divine order; not as a reward it 
is his life. 

For the Swedenborgian, death of the natural body is viewed as 
a continuation of life of the soul in a substantial spiritual body. 
The soul is eternal. In Heaven every man's life passes in review 
from his memories, and upon this inescapable record, he is his own 
prosecuting attorney, witness, and judge. He seals his own fate 
for eternity; he is not judged by law and sentenced or sent to heaven 
or hell. Whatever his life was on earth, in the natural body, his 
change of state is only a continuation of that life to eternity. His 
choice of a good life and the regeneration begun in the natural 
body continues to eternity. 

To the question, who can be saved? Swedenborg replied: "the 
Lord's church is universal, and is with all who acknowledge the 
Divine and live in Charity" ( Heaven and Hell, n. 308 ) . He warned: 
"Everyone knows that the heathen as well as Christians live a 
moral life, and many of them a better life than Christians . . . 
and a moral life that is lived out of regard to the Divine is a 
spiritual life." For Swedenborg, the universality of the church 
extended to the inhabitants of other worlds in the universe. And 
to a Christian world which was not clear on infant damnation, 
ES comforted: "every child, wherever he is born ... is re- 
ceived when he dies by the Lord and trained up in heaven. . . ." 

Every man is born with three universal loves, the love of heaven, 
of the world, and of self. The first is necessarily spiritual; the other 


two are natural, but man may through them make his own heaven 
and hell: 'What a man loves supremely is the main end and object 
of his life. . . . it is the motive power of his life. ... A 
man's entire character is that of his ruling love. ... It cannot 
be changed after death, because it is the man himself." Neces- 
sarily, the natural loves, in particular, are related to the doctrine 
of uses. Led by the Lord, the three loves may be co-ordinated 
and make man perfect. Riches and honors of public service, sub- 
ordinated to spiritual love, are not to be condemned, but public 
service should be rewarded commensurately. 

As a biologist who had specialized in human anatomy, physi- 
ology, and psychology, Swedenborg looked with wonder upon the 
body as an organism. He rejected the widely held Christian at- 
titude toward the flesh as necessarily associated with evil, and 
something of which to be ashamed: 

Every man ought to have a sound mind in a sound body; he must therefore 
provide the proper food and clothing for his body; and also the intellectual 
and critical matters which are the proper food of the mind; he will then be 
in a condition to serve his fellow-citizens, his country, the church, and the 
Lord. He who does this provides for himself to eternity. 

To each individual in society, ES assigned a responsibility or duty: 

Charity is to act justly and faithfully in one's office, business, or employment, 
because everything so done is of use to society, and use is good, and abstract 
good is the neighbor. . . . For example: Some kings. ... A [faith- 
ful] clergyman. ... A just judge. ... An honest merchant. . . . 
The same is true of every workman, sailor, farmer, servant, indeed, of every- 
body who does his work honestly and faithfully. 

This is charity, because charity may be defined as daily and continuously 
doing good to the neighbor, individually and collectively. This means doing 
good work in one's daily employment; and even when a man is not engaged 
in good work; it may be the frequent subject of his thought and intention. 
He who thus practices charity, becomes more and more an embodiment of 
charity; for justice and fidelity form his mind, and their exercise form his 
body; so that in process of time, from the form thus acquired, he intends and 
thinks nothing but what is charitable. Of such men it is said in the Word, 
that they have the law inscribed on their hearts. They attach no merit to 
their works, for they never think of merit but only of duty, which is a good 
citizen is bound to perform. 

At another place, Swedenborg emphasized that admission to 
heaven is not to be looked upon as a reward or as a merit for 
works: "The joy of doing good to the neighbor is their reward, 
and this is the joy of the angels in heaven; for it is spiritual and 
eternal, and infinitely surpasses every natural delight." 


Swedenborg warned against charity in the sense of indiscrim- 
inate giving of alms or relief to the poor "this must be done pru- 
dently" or "these benefactors are ultimately the cause of mischief 
to the good." Charity includes public, domestic, and private duties; 
compulsory public duties like paying of rates and taxes; domestic 
duties like the reciprocal relations of husband and wife, parents 
and children, and master and servants; and private duties like pay- 
ment of wages and interest, fulfillment of contracts whether based 
upon statute, civil, or moral law "Those who have charity per- 
form them justly and faithfully; for the law of charity requires 
that a man should act justly and faithfully in all his dealings. 
. . ." ES covered also under the rule of charity, recreational 
activities, whether of the church, or strictly social intercourse. 

Swedenborg carried the doctrine of uses to an extreme: "every- 
thing good is good in the measure of its use. . . ." The knowl- 
edge which men acquired through the exercise of intellectual pow- 
ers was viewed by Swedenborg as an instrument, and as a trust 
from the Lord, which man in his freedom might use for good or 
evil. In this context he stated his motives in undertaking to ex- 
plain the internal sense of the Word: 

Now because it has been granted me to be in the spiritual world and in the 
natural world at the same time, and thus to see each world and each sun, I am 
obliged by my conscience to manifest these things; for what is the use of 
knowing, unless what is known to one be also known to others? Without 
this, what is knowing but collecting and storing up riches in a casket, and 
only looking at them occasionally and counting them over, without any thought 
of use from them? Spiritual avarice is nothing else. . . . 

This insistence upon use of knowledge in contrast with hoarding 
was according to order and correspondence with other things, like 
wealth and power, entrusted by the Lord to the free choices of 
men for good or evil. 

Living in an age of monarchy, Swedenborg emphasized that 
superiority in government, according to his standards of divine 
justice, was to be found where the principle of popular responsi- 
bility prevailed. Although not rated as a social reformer in the 
fashion of the highly publicized philosophers and philosophies in 
18th century France, who were his contemporaries, the social im- 
plications of his theological system were highly explosive socially 
in their potentialities. 

Had Swedenborg been a crusader, who stopped at nothing to im- 
pose his system of social revolution upon his generation, or had he 


established a sect comparable to those of Luther and Calvin, or 
had he undertaken a political career comparable to Cromwell or 
Napoleon, the consequences might have been portentous. Instead, 
his methods were essentially passive; man must not in any manner 
be coerced into doing good, not even by the Lord, or by His ser- 
vant, Swedenborg. Such restraint is rare indeed among men pos- 
sessed of a sense of mission. His faith that right, as he saw the 
right, would prevail eventually, seemed to be without limit. He 
would not organize a church as an institution to propagate his doc- 
trines; the church is in the hearts of men and would prevail. In 
an age in which natural rationalism, materialism, and cynicism 
were so strongly emphasized, both his spiritual interpretation of 
history and his manner of implementing it were not of his 18th 
century, when the most conspicuous characteristic was the intol- 
erance manifested by the advocates of tolerance. 


A perspective upon Swedenborg is impossible to attain except 
at an inordinate expenditure of time and effort. The scholarly 
world which prides itself in being "enlightened" and "scientific" has 
been inclined to ignore, or to ridicule the Great Swede because of 
his claim of "Illumination." The orthodox religious groups tend to 
dismiss him as a heretic. Swedenborgians generally refuse to ac- 
cept as valid any discussion of him that does not recognize the 
"Illumination" and all of its implications as the point of departure, 
thus dissociating him from the main stream of the history of thought 
his theological ideas are derived from the Lord, not from the his- 
torical ancestry of all modern human thought. 

The uncommitted historian is not obliged to pass judgment upon 
matters of theological faith, as such, but is deeply concerned about 
any body of thought that has impact upon men, and thus upon the 
course of human history. The influence of a body of thought so 
comprehensive as that under consideration extended far beyond 
the confines of what is conventionally accepted as the province of 
religion. A decision on the question of originality of Swedenborg's 
work is not necessary for present purposes, but essential to any 
real understanding of his place in history is the determination in 
general terms of the sources or antecedents of the ideas found in 
his works. This means that investigation is necessary of his techno- 
logical, scientific, philosophical, and theological works in their en- 
tirety, both for themselves and in their setting of the mid-18th 


century. 2 And furthermore, the independent historian is interested 
in the manner in which, and the extent to which, Swedenborg's 
thought was integrated into later history as a culture-forming 
factor. Whether or not original or valid, Swedenborgian thought 
dominated the Wichita Beacon during the period 1876-1887. The 

2. Note on the Emanuel Swedenborg Theological Works, the editions used and the 
method of citation. The individual books bear long titles but are usually known by short 
titles. For citation purposes abbreviations are used. Quotations are from the Standard 
edition published by the Swedenborg Foundation, New York (English translation from the 
original Latin), for the most part, and references are not to page numbers unless so indicated, 
but are to numbered articles in the respective works, as these are common to all editions. 

Arcana Coeslestia: The Heavenly Arcana Contained in the Holy Scriptures or Word of 
the Lord Unfolded, Beginning With the Book of Genesis, Together With the Wonderful 
Things Seen in the World of Spirits and in the Heaven of Angels (12 volumes), translated by 
the Rev. John Faulkner Potts (New York, 1949-1951), (short title, Arcana); Heaven and 
Its Wonders, and Hell; from Things Heard and Seen, (short title, Heaven and Hell); Angelic 
Wisdom Concerning the Divine Providence (short title, The Divine Providence)-, The Four 
Doctrines, four short treatises originally published separately; I. The Doctrine of the New 
Jerusalem Concerning the Lord; II. The Doctrine of the New Jerusalem Concerning the 
Holy Scripture; III. The Doctrine of Life for the New Jerusalem from the Ten Command- 
ments; IV. The Doctrine of the New Jerusalem Concerning Faith; The True Christian Re- 
ligion (Everyman's Library edition, No. 893); Angelic Wisdom Concerning the Divine Love 
and the Divine Wisdom (short title, Divine Love and Wisdom); The Apocalypse Revealed, 
Wherein Are Disclosed the Arcana There Foretold Which Have Heretofore Remained Con- 
cealed (2 volumes), (short title, Apocalypse); Miscellaneous Theological Works. (Of the 
eight short treatises in this collection, two are used: "The Intercourse Between the Soul 
and the Body"; and "The Earths in the Universe.") Posthumous Theological Works (2 
volumes ) . 

Of importance for an orientation on the chronology of Swedenborg's works, the times 
of their actual composition, and of their first publication, is "A Brief Bibliography of Swe- 
denborg's Works" included at the end of volume 2. Among Swedenborg's miscellaneous 
writings are some autobiographical letters and extracts from other correspondence, and The 
Coronis, an appendix to The True Christian Religion which is published with the latter book 
in some editions. 

Note on Swedenborg's Scientific Works. No standard edition, in English translation, of 
the scientific works of Swedenborg is available. Some of the volumes that have been 
published are now "out of print." For present purposes the works examined are listed here 
in chronological order of composition: 

Some Specimens of a Work on the Principles of Chemistry, With Other Treatises, trans- 
lated from the Latin by Charles Edward Strutt [with an "Introduction" by the translator] 
(London and Boston, 1847). The Principles of Chemistry (these parts only had been 
printed) had been published in 1721, and some of the other treatises reprinted in 1847 
were of the same date. The Principia or the First Principles of Natural Things to Which 
Are Added the Minor Principia and Summary of the Principia, translated from the Latin by 
James R. Rendell and Isaiah Tansley, with an "Introduction by Isaiah Tansley . . .," 2 
volumes (London, The Swedenborg Society, 1912). The Principia, as printed here with 
the additional materials, 1,214 pages, was part one of a three-part work Opera Philosophica 
et Mineralia, published in 1734. 

The Infinite and the Final Cause of Creation, Also the Intercourse Between the Soul 
and the Body: Outlines of a Philosophical Argument, translated from the Latin by Jarnes 
John Garth Wilkinson, with a new introduction by Lewis Field Kite (London, The Swe- 
denborg Society, 1902, reprinted 1915). Wilkinson's original translation was in fact pub- 
lished first in 1847. The Economy of the Animal Kingdom, Considered Anatomically, 
Physically, and Philosophically, translated from the Latin by the Rev. Augustus Clissold, 2 
volumes (Bryn Athyn, Penn., The Swedenborg Scientific Association, 1955 reprint). Pub- 
lished originally in 1740, 1741, and part three posthumously published. 

The Medullary Fibre of the Brain . . . and Diseases of the Fibre; Rational Psy- 
chology, translated from the Latin by Norbert H. Rogers and Alfred Action (Bryn Athyn, 
Penn., The Swedenborg Scientific Association, 1950). This work was written in 1742. The 
Animal Kingdom, three parts were published by ES in 1744-1745. Other parts have been 
posthumously published in Latin and in translation. Only the "Prologue" in a reprint form, 
has been used for the present study. 

Ontology; or The Signification of Philosophical Terms, translated from the Latin by 
Alfred Acton (Boston, Massachusetts New-church Union, 1901). This short treatise, never 
completed, was composed in 1742. The Worship and Love of God, translated from the 
Latin by Alfred H. Stroh and Frank Sewall (Boston, Massachusetts New-church Union, 
1856). Parts one and two were published by Swedenborg in 1745, but part three was 
published for the first time in this book. This work is an allegory of creation, not a scientific 
work, and represents conspicuously the transition into Swedenborg's theological period, but 
nevertheless his science affords the background. 

The Letters and Memorials of Emanuel Swedenborg, translated and edited by Alfred 
Acton, 2 volumes (Bryn Athyn, Penn., The Swedenborg Scientific Association, [1948] 1955). 
Psychological Transactions, translated and edited by Alfred Acton (Bryn Athyn, Penn., The 
Swedenborg Scientific Association [1920], 1955). The several short works included in this 
volume were written at various times and none were published by Swedenborg. Some are 
published in this book for the first time. 


writing of local history is not a simple operation. That fact should 
not require further elaboration. 

Ignoring the controversies that have so largely controlled the 
writing about ES, the contention of the present study is that, so 
far as history of thought is concerned, continuity in Swedenborg's 
intellectual development is the conspicuous fact. There is no more 
reason to fragment his thought at the shift, 1843-1845, of the center 
of his interest from biological science to theology, than at the shift 
in 1834 from physical science to biological science. The same 
philosophical tradition was employed from the beginning in organiz- 
ing and interpreting, in sequence, physical science, then biology, 
then theology and ethics. 

Such difference as is apparent is only such as might be expected 
with maturity, depth and scope of knowledge, along with the suc- 
cessive shifts in subject matter. Necessarily the shift in subject- 
matter of investigation from the theoretical bases of mathematical 
physics and chemistry to the subject-matter of life in organisms 
meant the acquisition of assumptions not formerly applicable. 
Again, in the shift from biological material to spiritual subject- 
matter further assumptions were required. These successive addi- 
tions did not mean necessarily the abandonment or repudiation of 
what was valid and usable from the prior stage in the development 
of the later stages. 

When men fail to find satisfactory answers to ultimate questions 
in the so-called material world, physical and biological, through 
reason applied to evidence of the fine senses, they appeal to the 
supranatural, to the mystical in some form; that is to reasoning be- 
yond the tangible evidence. 3 One extreme version of appeal beyond 
the evidence of the five senses is absolute scepticism nothing is 
certain, not even uncertainty or existence, a materialistic paradox 
of negative mysticism. 

The alternate extreme, and the one that Swedenborg adopted 
eventually was a theological mysticism, a conviction of unition 
with the infinite. Some of his highly publicized 18th century 
contemporaries, especially in France, Voltaire, etc., made a show, 
at least, of taking positions near the materialistic extreme; accord- 
ing to conventional classifications, enlightened liberals. Measured 
by such classifications, because of theological commitments, Swed- 
enborg was a conservative or even a reactionary. But compared 
with orthodox Catholics, Lutherans, and Calvinists, Swedenborg was 

3. For want of a precise word, the term mystical is used there in spite of the multiple 
meanings it has already acquired. 


a heretic, or radical. Under inspection, the conventional classifica- 
tions became nonsense. Each individual emerges with unique 
properties in his own right, which give his life significance and 
meaning as a living, unclassifiable personality. 

One of the first characteristics to be recognized in Swedenborg's 
philosophy, which provided the theoretical framework for the or- 
ganization and interpretation of his science, is the eclecticism under 
which he exercised the widest freedom of choice in the selection 
of features from the several sytems available. From the Greeks, 
for example, among others, he drew from Empedocles, Leucippus, 
Pythagoras, Democritus, Plato, Aristotle, and the Stoics. Several 
Romans were used. From the writers of the early Christian era 
Hebrews, Arabians, and non-Christian Neoplatonists Philo, Plo- 
tinus, Avicenna (Ibn Sina), and even lamblichus are represented. 
The last named was a later Neoplatonist whom late 19th century 
scholarship considered an exponent of the decayed period of that 
movement, although in the 20th century his standing seems to have 

In his first major biological works, Swedenborg cited the early 
church fathers, especially those prior to A. D. 325, the Council of 
Nicaea which adopted the Nicene creed, or "Trinity of Persons" 
as ES called it. 4 This was the period prior to the establishment 
of orthodoxy, when conflicting versions of Christian doctrine, drawn 
from several sources, were competing for recognition. Further- 
more, the long tradition of Christian Mysticism was in evidence 
in the writings of Swedenborg's scientific period as early as 1719. 5 
All this should be clear from his explicit citations of authority. 
To the student of the history of philosophy and theology, the evi- 
dence is inescapable that the origins of Swedenborg's thought have 
much deeper roots than superficially these citations would seem 
to indicate. 

In Swedenborg's theological works, as differentiated from his 
scientific works, with only slight exception, he cited nothing but the 
Bible. That fact of citation did not change, however, his basic think- 
ing. All the main outlines of his philosophy had been well estab- 
lished prior to 1745 when the theological phase of his life supposedly 
began. In fact, some of his theology was a matter of record prior 

4. See the lists compiled in The Economy of the Animal Kingdom, v. 2, pp. 41, 349. 

5. Letter, ES to his brother-in-law, November 25, 1719, The Letters and Memorials of 
Emanuel Swedenborg, 2 volumes, translated and edited by Alfred Acton, (Bryn Athyn, Pa., 
The Swedenborg Scientific Association, 1948), v. 1, pp. 220-221. ". . . God nas his 
seat in the Sun. . . ." Also: "That the most eminent light and glory is in the sun, 
while far away therefrom is darkness. . . ." This was further developed in Neoplatonic 
metaphor in The Economy of the Animal Kingdom (1740-1741), article 251. 


to that date. To be sure, the shift in the center of gravity in sub- 
ject-matter from science to theology and ethics resulted in a de- 
velopment of a theological system, as in his prior period he had 
formulated a biological system, and still earlier a mathematical- 
physical system. Furthermore, the fact should not be overlooked 
that in his theological system the scientific subject-matter of physics 
and biology was integrated into the theological subject-matter and 
argument. One Swedenborgian interpreter has admitted cate- 
gorically that unless the claim of "Illumination" is insisted upon no 
obstacles stand in the way of interpreting the thought of ES as 
representing historical continuity. 6 

A survey of Greek thought and of its contacts with other systems 
usually called Eastern, and the intermingling with the Judaeo- 
Christian-Islamic tradition would be revealing, but space does not 

A survey of the history of Christian mysticism and of Neoplato- 
nism makes clear the extent to which Swedenborg partakes of that 
tradition. 7 Typologically, religions may be divided into two 
groups on the basis of their treatment of the relation between 
God and man. One group emphasized the difference between 
God and man, God's transcendence: Zoroastrianism, Judaism, 
Christianity, and Islam. The other group emphasized the identity 
of God and man and the immanence of God; and the desire on the 
part of the soul as an emanation from God to be purified and to 
return to the One. Christian Mysticism undertook, with varying 
degrees of success, to combine these quite different points of view, 
and so did Swedenborg. 

The speculative Christian Mysticism emphasized the unity, or 
wholeness, of life, which meant devotion to the business of the 
world as well as to that of the spirit. Thus John Tauler (ca. 1300- 
1361) declared "One can spin, another can make shoes; and all 
these are gifts of the Holy Ghost. I tell you, if I were not a priest, I 
should esteem it a great gift that I was able to make shoes, and 
would try to make them so well as to be a pattern to all/* Jacob 
Boehme (1575-1624) was a shoemaker who became also a mystic. 
Aristotle had said that everything has a function; the good is to per- 

6. The Rev. Lewis Field Kite, "Introduction" to ES, The Infinite and the Final Cause 
of Creation. . . . (1915), pp. xx-xxi. Kite's claim, in this introduction, that Sweden- 
borg pioneered in the explicit analysis of the infinite and the finite, cannot be accepted. 
That distinction belonged clearly to Nicolaus Cusanus (1401-1464). See Wilhelm \Vindel- 
band, A History of Philosophy . . ., translated by James H. Tufts (New York, 1895), 
pp. 344, 345. This book is available in paperback, Harper Torchbooks, TB 38/39. 

7. William Ralph Inge, Christian Mysticism [1899]. Paperback reprint (New York, 
Meridian Books, 1956), Living Age Books, LA 3; Evelyn Underbill, Mysticism [1910], pa- 
perback reprint (New York, Meridian Books, 1956), MG 1. 


form that function well; the highest good is to perform it in the 
highest and most complete manner; a harpist plays a harp, but a 
good harpist plays the harp well. In this respect, speculative 
Christian Mysticism was also in the tradition of Aristotle. Plotinus 
emphasized the beautiful things of this world, and that this world is 
not evil because it is the image of the Divine Mind: "What more 
beautiful image of the Divine could there be than this world, except 
the world yonder?" This macrocosm-microcosm metaphor of Greek 
philosophy was conspicuous also in Christian Mysticism in the 
view that man is made in the image of God. But the distinction 
made by Origen (ca. 185-254) was generally accepted; that the 
likeness exists in man only potentially, subject to development. 

The role of mysticism in the history of human culture has had 
varied verdicts. Inge said: "Asiatic Mysticism is the natural refuge 
of men who have lost their faith in civilization, but will not give up 
faith in God" (p. 115). Also, it is a revival of spirituality in the 
midst of opposites: formalism, which is emptiness; and scepticism, 
cynicism, and relativism, in which there is no certainty Mysti- 
cism is an adventure into the unknown. An unregenerated his- 
torian may add that this is a good definition also of science an ad- 
venture into the unknown. 

Returning again to the main line of philosophical development, 
the modern beginnings that lead to Swedenborg are seen in Nicolaus 
Cusanus (1401-1464) who undertook the first systematic analysis 
of the infinite and the finite, developing the macrocosm-microcosm 
metaphor, and with the aid of the atomic concept of Democritus 
(460-360 B. C.), and the mathematics of the Greek Pythagoreans 
concluded that in individuation each thing is different and that 
place and motion are relative. The philosophical succession from 
this beginning down to Liebniz and Christian Wolff in the 18th 
century worked out the main lines of thought from which Sweden- 
borg made his choices. 

Critical, however, to such promise of originality as was in evi- 
dence in Swedenborg's earlier scientific work was his assumption 
of the role of reformer and his growing obsession with functional- 
ism, a trait which he shared with other social reformers the 
Locke tradition in England, the "Enlighteners" in France, and 
Christian Wolff and his disciples in Germany. In ES functionalism 
was expressed in the exaggerated doctrine of use, and the doing of 
good to the neighbor as of the Lord as the ultimate measure of the 
value of all things. The partial, but not a sufficient saving feature 
for Swedenborg, however, was his even more stubborn insistence 


upon free will no act performed under coercion of any sort has 
moral value, not even an acceptance of Swedenborg's own system 
of thought. This was evidenced also in his objection to the in- 
stitutionalization of his "Church" that is, forming a cult. But 
nevertheless, functionalism is always fatal to content, to substance, 
and cumulatively to creative thought. This was Swedenborg's 


Herbert Spencer (1820-1903), English philosopher and pioneer 
in sociology, came from a family rooted for seven centuries in Dar- 
byshire, England. His father, a Quaker, and an uncle, who were 
most influential in his education, were both committed to educa- 
tional careers. Herbert received little formal training, terminating 
what little he did have by the age of 17. The major ideas which 
were to characterize his career took shape early. In 1842 he formu- 
lated his theory of the functions of the state; maintenance of order 
and protection of life and property that and no more. In 1851 
came his first book, Social Statics, in which he elaborated upon the 
general statements of 1842. The following year he published an ar- 
ticle which expounded "the development hypothesis"; a generalized 
statement of the concept of evolution, physical as well as biological. 
This was six years prior to Charles Darwin's first public formula- 
tion of organic evolution under the name "natural selection." 

In 1855 Spencer's book The Principles of Psychology, for the first 
time, applied the development idea to that subject. By 1858 he 
formulated a plan for his major life work, The System of Synthetic 
Philosophy, to be issued in parts on subscription, an enterprise 
that was not completed until 1896. His book on Education came in 
1860. The First Principles of his philosophical system in 1862, The 
Principles of Biology in 1864 and 1867, The Principles of Sociology, 
volume I, in 1877, Data of Ethics in 1879, The Man Against the 
State in 1884, and Justice in 1892. These titles, some of them not 
being a part of his formal series, were the ones available to W. S. 
White, except the last named. As D. Appleton and Company, of 
New York, became Spencer's publisher in the United States, the 
American editions of his books, especially the Social Statics, are 
pertinent for the present study. 8 

8. The data are not available to determine which of these books White used, or when 
he made his acquaintance with Spencer. One historical evaluation of Spencer's philosophy 
as a whole, stated that "the metaphysical top-dressing with which Spencer decorated his 
system is in all essentials lifted from [Sir William] Hamilton." Another writer stated that 
Spencer is due for a revival: "If his own age overrated him, ours has underrated his merits." 
Anthony Quinton, "The Neglect of Victorian Philosophy," Victorian Studies, v. 1 (Maich, 
1958), p. 253. 



Spencer denied the existence of God in any orthodox religious 
sense, thinking of himself as a scientist, he sought to eliminate the 
supernatural, or the supranatural, from his system. In his Social 
Statics, he used the term "Divine Idea," but in his book The First 
Principles, this gave way to "The Unknowable." In any case 
"creative purpose" was recognized, and the supernatural was ad- 
mitted into his universe in spite of himself, depriving him of any 
true claim to the designation of materialist. His Christian critics, 
however, were not usually disposed to accept such differentiations. 

Spencer believed that man's guide to action lay in absolute prin- 
ciples that could be discovered by scientific investigation. Such 
principles were valid, he admitted only in a perfect world for 
perfect men. His term Social Statics referred to this ideal, under 
which men exercised full self-control, which was a badge of their 
freedom, and government was unnecessary. Under these condi- 
tions the greatest happiness to all would be achieved through the 
"exercise of all the faculties." Spencer's first principle of freedom 
was, therefore, that: "Every man has the freedom to do all that he 
wills, provided he infringes not the equal freedom of any other 
man." Under this freedom, he was entitled "to get drunk or to 
commit suicide." Evil, in Spencer's system, meant non-adaptation 
of society and individual men to the perfect law of existence. 

As society is the product of development, government is a growth 
and a necessary evil in the process by which savage men become 
civilized on their way to an eventual perfection when government 
should atrophy. Thus expansion of the functions of government 
and coercion was an evidence of moving in the wrong direction. 
In an imperfect world among imperfect men, choices of alterna- 
tives of conduct are relative; one finds himself in a position where 
no course of good action is offered, only choices of the least wrong 
from several possibilities, all of which are wrong. This is what 
makes an understanding of absolute principles so important as 
standards of measurement. As government can rightfully do noth- 
ing more than protect life and property, Spencer opposed state 
control of church and education. These were the responsibility 
of the family and the individual, even to the extent of the right to 
be ignorant. Most anything is preferable to compulsory indoctrina- 
tion (education) at the hands of the state. No action can posess 
moral quality if it is performed under coercion. The reformer's 
demand for legislation to coerce men to be good, only created 
worse evils and demand for further legislation to enforce the former 


laws. According to the principles of development, man had come 
a long way already on the road toward civilization, but had a 
long way yet to travel. In the meantime, Spencer insisted, the 
best mode of facilitating the achievement of the final goal was 
patience, and the relatively best choices of modes of conduct 
which necessarily excluded all laws extending the powers of the 



The foregoing review of the thought of Swedenborg and Spencer 
reveals so clearly some of the similarities and contrasts as to make 
any extended comparison unnecessary. At no time did White hold 
up Spencer as his model social philosopher. Quite the contrary. 
The first explicit reference to him by name was in February, 1880, 
when Spencer's materialism was emphatically condemned. 9 In 
White's synthesis of systems, the fact that Spencer had no positive 
formulation about God meant that, unopposed, the Swedenborg 
version of the Neoplatonic theology occupied the central position. 
As in all cases where Spencer's lack of religious sanctions was in- 
volved in the fusion, the positive character of the Swedenborgian 
system was unopposed. The effects of this fact might suggest 
that, instead of fusion of the thought of Swedenborg and Spencer, 
White's philosophy might be described more accurately as essen- 
tially Swedenborgian, influenced by Spencer, or with an admixture 
of Spencer. Like so many people of the late 19th century, much of 
White's debt to Spencer was by way of reaction against certain of 
his teachings. But there were areas of agreement, most strikingly 
in social policy. Although a century later, and by a different line 
of reasoning, on so many things Spencer had arrived at much the 
same conclusions as Swedenborg. The coincidences are so striking 
that they cannot be casually dismissed. 


The "New Church" was represented in Kansas as early as ter- 
ritorial days, but did not achieve a self-sustaining status. During 
the latter half of the 1870's, the Rev. Adams Peabody was mission- 
ary to Kansas, visiting Wichita on the average of once a year from 
1876 to 1882 inclusive. 10 Others appeared later. One attempt 

9. Wichita Weekly Beacon, February 18, 1880, report on the Paige lectures. 

10. Ibid., February 9, 1876; March 21, 1877; September 11, 25, 1878; December 3, 
1879; March 3, 1880; May 11, August 10, 1881; January 11, 1882. 


at organization of a local society at Wichita has been recorded. 11 
In 1877 the convention of the Missouri-Kansas association of the 
New Church met at Osage City, Editor White attending. In 1881 
the Kansas Association met in Wichita. The Wichita Library As- 
sociation received a gift from the Swedenborg Foundation, in 
January, 1878, of 20 volumes of Swedenborg's Theological Works, 
and in November, 1886, 20 volumes of collateral works. 12 

By his editorial policy, White kept the Swedenborg philosophy 
before the readers of the Beacon in several forms, much of it not 
identified by name. White's devotion to Swedenborg was un- 
qualified: "The greatest, most rational and philosophical theologian 
of his, or any other age." 13 A characterization of White was in- 
spired by the completion of the new Beacon building in 1885, when 
a former associate wrote that he had always entertained a 
"kinder hankerin feelin" towards the sheet ever since we were devil in that 
office, years ago, when its present editor used to hoof it in from his claim, clad 
in an army overcoat, and Swedenborgen ideas, to stick type, when the grass- 
hopper was in the land, and the typos played "devil among the tailors" for 
the beer. 14 

"Clad in an army overcoat, and Swedenborgen ideas/' indeed! 
Symbols of a profound philosophy of clothes expressed succintly 
and picturesquely! Regardless of sharp differences among sol- 
diers of the American Civil War about its issues and consequences, 
there was agreement in an uncompromising patriotism. The old 
army overcoat was a visible symbol. But White possessed what 
many others lacked, an implicit faith in an invisible symbol, one 
that he applied rationally and systematically to life. 

In a long commentary on Swedenborg, upon the occasion of the 
first gift of his books to the library, among other things White 

They are the ripe thought of the grandest man of all the centuries . . .; 
whose vast, varied and comprehensive learning in all the domains of thought 
is the wonder of the world and whose moral and spiritual excellence and 
emanations fix him as the central human figure of all the ages. . . . His 
theology is the philosophy of being and existence, and yet to the earnest 
student and disciple his figure dwarfs out of the range of the intellectual 
organs of vision and his personality is swallowed up in the depths of the 
truths he declared. He bases his science of religion on the Bible, the mother 
of all science and the inexhaustible reservoir of truth and life. . . . 

11. Ibid., August 10, 1881. 

12. Ibid., January 23, 1878; Wichita Daily Beacon, December 1, 1886. 

13. Weekly Beacon, November 14, 1877. 

14. Daily Beacon, October 27, 1885. 


White's meaning here is to be explained by the allegorical inter- 
pretation of the Word: 

His profundity is so simple, that the little child may comprehend its essen- 
tials and his simplicity so profound that the succeeding ages will not exhaust 
the particulars of it. It is the philosophy of life. . . . 

On matters other than theology, White emphasized that: 

he is not to be measured by whole colleges of ordinary scholars. No one man 
is able to judge of the merits of his works on so many subjects. He anticipated 
much of the science of the 19th century in astronomy, in magnetism, in anat- 
omy, in chemistry, and first demonstrated the office of the lungs. His literary 
value has never been rightly estimated. 

White closed with citations of appreciation by other writers of 
Swedenborg's importance. 15 

Misunderstanding and misinterpretation of Swedenborg appeared 
in several forms, one of which was confusion with modern or scien- 
tific Spiritualism. Taking advantage of a discourse in Chicago by 
the Rev. L. P. Mercer, on the subject of Spiritualism, White re- 
printed the full text and wrote an approving editorial. Mercer 
pointed out that orthodox Christian churches and materialists both 
repudiate Spiritualism, but for different reasons. The more "scien- 
tific" the world became the more insistent the demand for evidence 
of immortality at the materialistic level of the senses with which 
science deals a contradiction of concepts. The New Church is 
the only system of faith resting upon Divine revelation that "admits 
of the possibility" of spirits returning, and offers an explanation. 
For that reason it is confused with Spiritualism. In fact, the New 
Church denounced Spiritualism or more properly "Spiritism"; "in- 
tercourse with the departed is possible in two ways, one orderly 
and the other disorderly." Although possible to invite the spirit 
to invade the consciousness, it is "expressly forbidden, always dan- 
gerous, and at the best, only negative in its results." Swedenborg 
recognized this and warned against it. The spiritual and the ma- 
terial are not opposites, but different by discrete degrees. For the 
spiritual to invade the natural consciousness was to degrade it. 
The orderly mode of intercourse occurs only to those in a state to 
receive "the opening of the spiritual senses of man." This means 
"the seer's temporary elevation from this world to that." 16 The 
knowledge derived during such states of elevation, was what 
Swedenborg had written into his Theological Works this was 
the New Church view and was in no sense comparable with modern 

15. Weekly Beacon, January 23, 1878. 

16. Ibid., September 17, 1879. 



White's understanding of New Church doctrine as applied to the 
late 19th century world was stated in numerous forms as called forth 
by specific events. Some of these are much more generalized and 
comprehensive than others, but none of them singly or in series ap- 
proached a systematic treatise on religion and life. Possibly such 
an undertaking is what White had in mind when he retired from the 
editorship of the Beacon. His views on the "continuation of life" 
have been presented at sufficient length already. Among the doc- 
trinal problems that agitated the minds of his generation, disturbed 
as they were by the challenge of science and by the "higher criti- 
cism" a few may be summarized from three quite substantial edi- 
torial articles. 

The religious significance of Christmas and Easter observances 
occasioned many expositions of the Christian plan of salvation. 
The ascension of Jesus on the 40th day after the resurrection, cele- 
brated by the ritualistic churches, was the occasion for an article: 
"A Spiritual Ascension." The Biblical text is: "And when he had 
spoken these things, while they beheld, he was taken up; and a 
cloud received him out of their sight." (Acts, 1:9.) 17 In White's 
exposition he reminded his readers that space and "place cannot 
be predicated of heaven"; "By going up it is not meant that He went 
up through space, but up in quality, up beyond the intellectual eye- 
sight of the Apostles." The language, he asserted, was allegorical: 
"The Scriptures are not the word of God or truth, but only its 
manifestations. They are the ultimate and lowest expression of the 
truth or word, as literally understood, but as ultimates they contain 
as a vessel, the fullness of God." The revelation to man depended, 
therefore, upon man: "The Lord comes to all men in all ages 
through His divine truth and his manifestations depend at all times, 
upon the state or condition of man's spiritual nature." The conclu- 
sion about the Twelve was that: "If the Apostles could have fol- 
lowed him, in thought and affection, He never would have disap- 
peared from their sight, but would have been a constant presence to 
them." In this sense the literal ascension "symbolized the perfect 
unition of the humanity with the divinity within it. ... It 
completes the cycle or plan of salvation: "The incarnation or the 
material manifestation of the truth in the person of Christ . . . 
was rendered necessary by ... the perverted state of the 

17. The Douay (confraternity) edition reads: "And when he had said this, he was 
lifted up before their eyes, and a cloud took him out of their sight." 


human understanding, and will be forever unnecessary again/' 
Thus the second coming of the Lord was not a material manifesta- 
tion. Such a view "brings God down to our level, instead of raising 
us towards Him." "The Lord never ascends nor descends. As to 
the disciples at the Ascension, so with us, it is an appearance de- 
pendent upon our changing spiritual states. . . ." 18 

Integral with this was the theological meaning of the crucifixion 
of Jesus, discussed under the title: "Substitution Sacrifice." Ac- 
cording to the doctrine of the atonement attributed to the orthodox 
Christian churches, Christ became a vicarious sacrifice to save man 
from the penalty of his sins. The penalty for sin was eternal 
punishment in hell. Under this theory Christ as the substitute for 
man assumed these punishments, which logically could mean only 
one thing; that instead of being at the right hand of God, he would 
be spending eternity in hell suffering the penalties of the sins of the 
world. Furthermore, White argued, if Christ was an infinite sub- 
stitute, and there was so much as one soul in hell, then the devine 
plan was a partial failure, and if partial an infinite failure. White's 
conclusion was that: 

The church, as surely as it lives, will ultimately sooner or later, utterly 
reject the awful dogma of the vicarious atonement, or the sacrifice of the 
second person of its trinity, to appease the wrath of the first person, and it 
will accept the true at-one-ment, or the reconciliation of man to God, and 
will worship one God, in the sole person of the Lord Jesus Christ. . . . 

The sacrifice aspect, in contrast with the substitution aspect, was 
then analyzed to clarify the nature of sacrifice as a religious rite, 
and then to apply it to the crucifixion of the Lord: 

To sacrifice does not mean to kill, much less to kill with vindictiveness. 
It means in its high and primary significance, to make holy, to consecrate. 

The rite of sacrifice was preceded by purification by the priests, 
by consecration, and was performed with reverence in order that 
the offering might be acceptable to God. Then, referring to the 
crucifixion, White declared: 

We cannot understand how an infamous act can be a holy sacrifice a 
propitiatory offering. ... If there is any parallel between the murder of 
the just Man, on Calvary, by a howling, cursing mob of sectarians permitted 
and assisted by the indifferent and scoffing Roman soldiers . . . and 
the holy sacrifices of the tribes of Israel . . . we fail altogether to 
recognize it. 

And then referring to the pending Methodist church heresy trial, 
he concluded: "No wonder that the Rev. Doctor H. W. Thomas, 

18. Weekly Beacon, May 28, 1879. 


quoting another eminent divine, denounced the vicarious theory, 
as the 'Butcher Theory'." 19 

In a third article, "A change of Base Necessary," White drew a 
comparison between Copernicus and Swedenborg, the latter doing 
for the spiritual and moral what the former had done for the 
planetary system. Physically, Copernicus showed how the earth 
revolved around the sun, instead of the reverse, and had made 
astronomy the most exact of the sciences. Instead of the body 
being the central part of man, "the soul was the man" and "the body 
was the mere clothing of the soul of the real man." The result is 
"a rational theology that is scientific and philosophical. A true 
theology is the most comprehensive of all sciences. . . ." But 
that was only a part of White's argument. The concentration upon 
the body had produced only a false theology and metaphysics, but 
he insisted that it had resulted in "a perverted system of law and an 
empirical medical practice." Thus Swedenborg "made the most 
momentous discovery of all the ages," in demonstrating the truth 
about the relation of the soul and body of man. 

The consequences of this change of base were then described as 
applied to man and government: "the nations begin to realize 
that the law is a yoke and a curse, as was the laws of the Jews. 
. . . The law has taken society as the unit to measure the man, 
instead of taking the man ["the soul was the man"] as the unit to 
measure society." 

The Government is everything, the individual nothing only so far as he 
adds to the power and strength of the government; while the truth is that the 
individual is everything, and the government nothing, only so far as it secures 
the welfare of the man. The man is not made for the government, but the 
government was made for the man, to add to his freedom, to secure him in 
the possession of every right God has conferred upon him. Man is the 
master, the government is the servant; man is internal, the government is 
external, and must be auxilliary and subordinate to the highest welfare of the 
individual. Man lives forever; governments change, and rise and fall upon 
the ebb and flow of the passions and the thoughts of men. Both church 
and state must change their base of operation. 20 

19. Ibid., December 14, 1881. The second part of this two part editorial was mostly 
a reprint, without reference, from the Beacon of March 13, 1878. 

20. Ibid., August 31, 1881. Not all Swedenborgians viewed the laissez faire role of 
government as White did. Without going into detail, the Rev. W. M. Gpodner, minister of 
the New Church at Lamed, wrote, July 14, 1881, making general reservations about White's 
editorial position on "politics, temperance, and other questions," and by inference on public 
education. Goodner was greatly agitated about the shooting of President Garfield and "the 
vast number of foreigners," but more important, as he saw the general social crises, were 
the great monied corporations, "the general war upon the interests of the laboring masses," 
and professional politicians. He thought the schools should aid in the matter. Ibid., July 
27, 1881. 


Introduction and Personnel 

The failure on the part of the Swedenborgians to organize a 
congregation of the New Church in Wichita, left White free on 
Sundays. Whether or not from a sense of editorial obligation or 
from a conviction of religious need, White was a remarkably reg- 
ular attendant upon church services, both morning and evening, 
even of services during the week, especially during religious re- 
vival meetings. Either he carried his reportorial pencil with him, 
or he had cultivated a remarkable facility to reproduce from mem- 
ory the substance of the sermons, and to differentiate the salient 
points of doctrine and their application. 

During the 1870's the leading churches were the Methodist, 
Baptist, and Presbyterian. About 1880 the Protestant Episcopal 
and Christian churches supported regular pastors of ability, and 
by 1885 the Congregational organization was represented. 21 Other 
ministers were the subject of White's searching criticism from time 
to time, depending primarily upon whether or not they had some- 
thing to say that seemed significant. The word criticism is used 
here in its strict sense, as analysis and evaluation, which might be 
favorable or adverse or both. As White put it himself: "The Bea- 
con representative in his notices from time to time of sermons from 
our city ministers, trusts he has been as far from flattering as he 
has endeavored to be from irreverence or carping criticism/' 22 A 
partiality for ministers was one of the charges sometimes leveled 
against White. Heartily, he pleaded guilty: "J esus went about 
doing good, and verily he has some followers in this town." 23 

On the whole the ministers accepted White's criticisms with 
good grace. Sometimes they corrected him from the pulpit or 
replied through the Beacons columns. On a few occasions they 
quarreled openly and violently, but usually that was not about 
theology proper, but about moral issues in politics. In January, 
1880, a substitute editor pretended (possibly he was serious) to 
find himself in an embarrassing dilemma: 

Capt. White is absent on a short tour, and as it is usual to comment on 
Sunday sermons, we are at a loss to know just how to fill this part of the 
bill. We are informed by reliable outside parties that several of the Ministers 
have taken advantage of Capt. White's absence to preach on the absolute 

21. The Catholic church activities were seldom the subject of White's commentary, 
usually being handled strictly as news items. A lecture series was reported in the Beacon, 
February 25, March 10, 1880. 

22. Daily Beacon, February 8, 1886. 

23. Ibid., January 13, 1886. 


certainty of a personal devil. We know that this does not accord with his 
views, but we don't know just why, nor where, we simply enter protest by 
stating very frankly that, it won't do! it won't do! vide Capt. White's re- 
turn. 24 

Contemporaries had their fun about White and 24 volumes of 
Swedenborg versus the preachers. The Leader evaluated the rela- 
tive sophistication and religious status of the four Wichita news- 
papers as of 1882: 

The Wichita editors are all bad men. Marsh Murdock is as guileless as a 
child when the preachers are around, but at other times he is a backslider, 
as it were, and seems to have no respect for divine truth; the old sinners 
who conduct the Times need no comment; [R. E. Field] the editor of the 
Leader don't believe in certain little sundries which constitute a good share of 
the orthodox faith, and he will probably be lost. Then there's Capt. White. 
Ge whillikins! What a terror he is. Every little while some unsophisticated 
gospel pedler winks at the burly old fellow, just for fun, and then this border 
ruffian sallies out of his den with the Bible and twenty-four volumes of Sweden- 
borg under his arm and proceeds to wipe up the floor with the preacher. 
Jerusalem! how the preacher does pant to get away, but White is like a 
magnetic battery; when you take hold of him you can't let go. And when 
he has made an end of terrifying the preacher, he pulls his head into his shell 
and waits for his next victim. Golly! We's an awful wicked crowd! 25 

During his first year as editor of the Beacon, White was kept 
busy apparently just in orienting himself in his new profession and 
in producing a Democratic county newspaper that would compare 
favorably with Murdock's Republican Eagle. Not until he had 
been at his post for about a year did he strike out aggressively on 
the several new lines which were to make his Beacon the dis- 
tinctive and unique factor of Kansas journalism. So far as his posi- 
tive approach applied to religious exposition, his editorial course 
must have kept the Wichita ministers on the alert. Every minister 
knew from experience that White's presence in his congregation 
meant that some critical comment, favorable or otherwise, would 
appear in the next issue of the Beacon. Not one of them was im- 
mune to his adverse criticism if White thought it deserving, and 
every one received his frank commendation for a logically con- 
structed sermon even though the editor disagreed with his premises. 
Frequently White gave scant attention to the discourse as a whole, 
but used some point made by the preacher, either in approval or 
disagreement, as a text for his own sermon for the day. Thus 
Swedenborgian doctrine reached more people numerically and 
directed attention to a wider range of thought than if the New 

24. Weekly Beacon, January 28, 1880. 

25. Ibid., January 4, 1882. 


Church as an institution had existed in the community. Each 
denomination found its own distinctive doctrines, as voiced by its 
minister, analyzed and inspected publicly in cold print. Like 
Murdock of the Eagle in the field of journalism, the ministers 
needed the "old self-abnegator" as a challenge and a stimulus, and 
apparently some of them appreciated his independent criticism. 
Certainly the church-going and the newspaper-reading public 
benefited regardless of whether or not as individuals they agreed 
with either of the participants in these good tempered but earnest 
intellectual exchanges. 26 

Pulpit and Secular Press 

The minister's concern about the everyday life of his church 
members was commended in the case of the Rev. J. T. Hanna, 
Methodist. White was of the opinion that: "The public common 
sense will sustain any preacher who fulfills the duties of his office 
fearlessly, honestly and kindly ." 27 The same view was expressed 
a year later with reference to the Rev. John Kirby's ( Hanna's suc- 
cessor) discourse on the relations of church and state: "The true 
end of religious teaching is to teach us how to live here, that we 
may live hereafter/* 28 

The following week, Kirby discussed the dangers threatening the 
church. Possibly with White's comment in mind he emphasized 
"that safety lay in increased devotion to the church, to her prayer 
meetings, and her love feasts." White may have worded his com- 
ment in such a manner as to give Kirby's remarks a Swedenborgian 
slant that went beyond the minister's intent. If so, the emphasis 
this time would tend to redress the balance in his own favor. 
White also maneuvered for position and on his own part also avoid- 
ing overt disagreement echoed yes, "to an extent": "But we believe 

26. The ministers most conspicuous during the decade of White's tenure as theological 
critic in Wichita are listed, together with their terms of tenure. For the First Presbyterian 
church, the Rev. J. P. Harsen served from December, 1871, to April, 1879. His successor 
was the Rev. J. D. Hewitt (sometimes spelled Hewett), June, 1879, through the remainder 
of White's editorship. At the First Methodist church the rotation system operated to per- 
mit each man during this period, with one exception, to serve three years: the Revs. ]. T. 
Hanna, 1874-1877; John Kirby, 1877-1880; R. H. Sparks, 1880-1881; Barney Kelly 
(Kelley), 1881-1884; T. S. Hodgson, 1884-1887. The Baptist tenure was not continuous: 
the Revs. J. C. Post, 1873-1875; I. F. Davis, August, 1877-1878; A. L. Vail, January, 

1879-March, 1881; and W. F. Harper, April, 1882- At St. John's Protestant Episcopal 

church, three of the succession of rectors figured largely in Wichita life: the Rev. Dr. L. 
DeLew, July, 1880, to September, 1881; the Revs. E. H. Edson, 1885, to March, 1886; 
Charles J. Adams, June, 1886- At the Christian church, the first tryout proved unfor- 
tunate. The Rev. T. J. Shelton arrived in June, 1880, dissention followed, the congregation 
split, and Shelton attempted to establish an independent congregation. Eventually becoming 
involved in several controversies, he turned to prohibition journalism, editing the Republican- 
Times, June, 1881, to November, 1881 when the paper changed hands and editors. Later 
ministers at the Christian church only occasionally received attention in the Beacon. 

27. Weekly Beacon, June 14, 1876. The minister's name was sometimes spelled 

28. Ibid., July 11, 1877. 


the true strength of a church lies in the daily business. . . . We 
judge of a man, not from his life in but out of the church. . . ." 
At the close White added that he had expected Kirby to include 
this: "it would have been characteristic of the man." 29 

The Presbyterian minister (1871-1879) J. P. Harsen made a 
practice of devoting his sermon on the first Sunday of each year 
to a discussion of the practical duties of life. He asserted that 
more was expected of Christians than of others because, among 
other things, the Lord did more for them. To this White objected, 
insisting that: "He does all He can for every creature of His born 
into the world. . . . [any difference lies in] the subject's will- 
ingness to receive. . . ." 30 Thus Harsen's faulty logic was 
corrected by consistent New Church doctrine. 

In a private conversation a minister told White that the secular 
press had "no right to criticize the church or discuss its doctrines 
or dogmas/' and that by so doing the "people would stop their 
subscriptions. . . ." White admitted that he had forgotten to 
ask if the minister had ever advised such a procedure. Accord- 
ing to his code: "No province of ethics is exempt from honest 
discussion in the secular press, which is the avenue used by the 
leading divines all over the world to reach the masses." Nearly 
six weeks later, the young Baptist minister, I. F. Davis, advised 
the temperance people to transfer their patronage from the Beacon 
and the Eagle to the Herald. Later he denied it. At issue was the 
liquor question, not theology. 31 

The district conference of the Methodist church met at Wichita, 
May 15, 1878, where 15 essays on various subjects were read. 
White was distressed by the procedure. All debate on substance 
was cut off, he charged, discussion being limited to "criticism of 
style, grammar and diction, after the fashion of the school boy 
literary club. . . ." White suggested that next time, the limi- 
tation be placed upon the number of topics to allow time "for a 
good discussion of the subject." He passed up the opportunity to 
elaborate upon what he evidently had in mind the sterility of a 
society so dominated by a false sense of sophistication as to sub- 
ordinate substance to mere technicalities of form. Or to put it in 
the converse, original and vital societies place the focus upon sub- 
stance, form being only incidental. 

29. Ibid., July 18, 1877. 

30. Ibid., January 9, 1878. 

31. Ibid., February 6, March 20, 27, April 3, 1878. Although trying to conciliate, 
Harsen appears to have admitted the substantial truth of the Beacon story. Also, Bobbins, 
editor of the Herald confirmed the charges. 


In 1880 the Beacon, January 21, commended the Rev. John Kirby, 
Methodist, for carrying his precepts into the market place, but more 
particularly the sermon of October 31 by the Rev. A. L. Vail, 
Baptist, and the Rev. J. D. Hewitt, Presbyterian, elicited extended 
comment under the heading: "Politics in the Pulpit": 

The sooner the pulpit comes to recognize the great and awful truth that the 
church is primarily . . . responsible for the moral condition of the people 
in every relation of life further, that the church is the spiritual mother of 
every social evil cursing humanity to-day, the sooner the pulpit will preach a 
religion that has relation to life in politics, in trade, in society, in the family 
as much as in the church and around the sanctuary. The church should 
preach the politics of the people, and not the politics of a party. 32 

Likewise the Beacon commended the sermon of the Rev. Barney 
Kelly, Kirby's successor: "He had no mercy on our corns/' While 
not agreeing with him in all particulars: "We believe a preacher 
has a right to discuss any question under the sun that is of practical 
importance to the people. The pulpit is the place to utter the 
truth as God gives the power to see it. . . ." But, "A preacher 
has no business to be a policeman. The church has no business to 
appeal to the penal compelative law to enforce morals. The 
churches should unite in demanding the repeal of the prohibitory 
law"; also all laws against Sabbath desecration, blasphemy, and all 
penal laws that invade man's moral freedom to do right or do 
wrong. "All appeals to the penal power, by the churches, is 
blasphemy against God, and is an open confession of spiritual im- 

The differentiation made by White in the foregoing declaration 
of rights was peculiarly appropriate to a complex, explosive situa- 
tion that was developing. One aspect of it was a series of meetings 
to support the enforcement of the liquor prohibitory law, including 
a visit by Gov. John P. St. John, July 21, who spoke at the Presby- 
terian church in the afternoon, and at the Methodist church in the 
evening. At an earlier meeting, on Sunday, July 10, after Hewitt 
had spoken, Kelly demanded a show of hands to test enforcement 
sentiment. White had protested, and called this procedure cowardly 
and bulldozing. 

At one or both of the meetings of July 21, a standing vote was 
proposed, but before it was taken, Kelly demanded that White 
leave the meeting. The Beacon for July 27 was largely devoted 
to the several aspects of the episode in which White denounced 
in bitter personalities the ministers involved. No one realized more 

32. Weekly Beacon, November 3, 1880. 


keenly than the editor of the Beacon the betrayal by all parties of 
basic principles of moral conduct. He differed from his opponents, 
however, in admitting wherein he had failed, his editorial apology 
being headed: "If We Were a Christian." The opening sentence 
was confession: "Nothing could show more conclusively that we 
are a sinner, than this issue of the BEACON. It is full of derision, 
scorn and contempt, of hatred and all uncharitableness. We are 
not proud of the issue. . . ." The manner of the presentation 
he admitted, would "prevent its reception by those who need it the 
most. . . . You can't make a man receive the truth by striking 
him with a club." The second paragraph opened: "If we had been 
a Christian we would not have published this issue. When smitten, 
we would have 'turned the other cheek. . . .' " And the closing 
sentence read: "If we were a Christian, we would be awful lone- 

The following week, a long editorial, "The Church Is Responsi- 
ble," dealing with the Atonement, was introduced by a sequel in 
which White insisted that he had never intentionally misrepresented 
any man: "A man's honest opinions are as dear to him as his 
reputation and character. . . . Since our connection . . . 
with the BEACON, our relationship with the ministry has always been 
cordial. ..." A differentiation was then made between a man's 
private and his public status. The former was not a proper subject 
of public commentary, but the latter, being of concern to society, 
must submit to public scrutiny: 

Until last week we have never uttered a word or written a line that 
would reflect upon the private character or professional integrity of any min- 
ister. Last week we reflected upon the public action and methods of public 
men. . . . 

In the public category also were public institutions: "The creeds 
the doctrines of the churches, are proper subjects for fair and 
free criticisms. We propose freely to exercise our right. . . . 
We court criticism. We do not deprecate the condemnation of 
our opinions or principles." 33 He then proceeded to discuss the 
doctrine of the Atonement in blunt Swedenborgian terms, con- 
cluding that the doctrine of the "vicarious Atonement is . , . 
the prime cause of social evils and disorders of the world. It 
amounts to a license to sin. . . . The only danger he runs 
is sudden death, giving him no time to utter the cabalistic words 
'Open Sesame/" 

33. Ibid., June 22, 29, July 13, 20, 27, August 3, 1881. 


Relations between White and Kelly did not improve. In De- 
cember, 1881, Kelly, with the aid of a visiting minister, was hold- 
ing his annual winter revival. Under the title "False Doctrines, 
the Cause of Evil," White disagreed with the preacher's presenta- 
tion of the plan of salvation, including again the doctrine of the 
vicarious Atonement: 

Our readers may ask: "What right has the BEACON, a secular, political 
newspaper, to discuss theological questions?" We answer: Just because the 
BEACON is a secular and political newspaper. All truth has relation to life, 
and secular and political matters include about the most of our life's affections, 
thoughts and actions. 

In other words, the secular and the political reflected the "char- 
acter and quality of the theology of the day. There is no possible 
hope of a radical regeneration in politics and in society until there 
is a radical revolution in our theological ethics. The Beacon deals 
in practical questions of every day life, for they make and form 
the man." 34 

On the evening of the day the Beacon appeared with the above 
editorial, "after the religious exercises were over/' Kelly 
gave the press a swinger, applying his remarks especially to the Wichita papers. 
We were present, and enjoyed it. We know of no institution among men, 
save, perhaps, the church, that is more open to and needs more honest and un- 
sparing criticism than the press. There is no institution save the church, that 
can be more productive of good than the press. We do not say that Brother 
Kelly's criticisms were judicious, or were given in the right spirit, but we hope 
he will keep giving them, for peradventure he may sound the key note of true 
reform in the press. 

The liberty of the press is worth all protection. The license of the press 
should be boldly condemned and even punished. The press has the right to 
its opinions. It has the right to express in proper phrase, its opinion of any 
man's opinion, whether he be a preacher or a proletariat. Brother Kelly, we 
think, is as free with his criticism and censure of men and things, as the press 
can possibly be. We don't object, we glory in his freedom of speech. To 
prevent him we would not close his mouth, nor his pulpit. There is nothing on 
earth too sacred for the freedom of thought. Brother Kelly sets himself up as 
a censor of the press, and if his censorship is not duly respected, he threatens 
to break down the business of the papers. We believe in the censorship of 
public opinion, and when the press violates the decencies of life, deals in 
slander, is obscene and filthy, public opinion should voice itself, and the court 
should lay its hands upon the offender, but it won't do for public opinion, the 
courts or the preachers to attempt to obstruct nor throttle the freedom of 
opinion or its expression properly couched. Ecclesiastical organizations are 
human institutions, preachers are human teachers, and are not always inspired, 
and never infallible, and we shall always freely, and will try to decently, ex- 

34. Ibid., December 7, 1881. 


press our opinion of the so-called church and its preachers. We say this with 
all due respect for our Brother. 

In 1882 a new Baptist minister, the Rev. W. F. Harper, began his 
pastorate in Wichita. He preached his first regular sermon April 9, 
and his second, "Relation Between Pastor and People/' April 16, in 
which "he advanced, on the whole, very sound and practical views. 
He thinks ... a pastor . . . should not cease to be a citi- 
zen. . . . We think this is sound." But, the Beacon insisted 
upon differentiation between the priest and the citizen. When act- 
ing in the latter capacity "he should leave his gown and cassock in 
the pulpit. The church and its priests have no official business out- 
side of the spiritual and moral sphere." For example, the priest 
must differentiate between the moral and police phases of tem- 

the church, as a church, has no right to demand the passage of a penal law. 
The church should be a leader, a teacher, an example and a life, but 
it seems to be ambitious to be only a driver, and we do not want to see him 
[Harper] become a driver. The measure of the immorality and degradation of 
a people is the number of its courts, its prohibitive, restrictive, directive penal 
statutes. Every increase of power in Topeka or in Washington City is an 
incontrovertible proof of the intellectual and moral deterioration of the people, 
an evidence of lawlessness and crime. If the church were virile, Washington 
would annually become more insignificant; the center of the nation would not 
be a geographical location but it would be in the heart and soul of every 
man. . . . The church is primarily and in the highest degree responsible 
for the present moral condition of the people, and it must acknowledge this 
responsibility. 35 

During the campaign of 1882, Governor St. John ran for re-elec- 
tion to a third term using prohibition as his principal issue. A large 
part of the evangelical church membership was mobilized in his 
support, resulting in one of the most vicious and vindictive of Kan- 
sas political experiences. Pressure was put on Harper, and during 
midsummer he appeared to be committed, but late in August he de- 
clared "the emancipation of his church from all connection with 
politics and police law. The church was a teacher and preacher of 
the Man Christ Jesus. It deals with the spirit and conscience of 
man, and not with rituals and laws. . . ." The Beacon appealed 
to the public to "Hold Up His Hands." 36 

During such a political campaign the Beacon also felt the pres- 
sure and abuse of the self-styled reform element: 

The pulpit is continually whacking us over the head, because it asserts we 
want to limit its functions. It does this in the face of the fact that lately, and 

35. Ibid., AprU 19, 1882. 

36. Ibid., August 30, 1882. 


many times in the past, we have asserted the fullest right, liberty and duty of 
the pulpit to discuss every question that affects the moral, social and political 
welfare of the people. We republished an article, written nearly two years 
ago, to show that we have not been backward in demanding for the pulpit 
the fullest liberty to teach. We believe the church is a great teacher. We 
believe that all the blessings of God come through the church. The form of 
the church is divine truth; . . . the sects so-called churches are instru- 
mentalities of the church of God, and they are members of the church so far 
as they teach what is true and do what is good. All the good and truth in 
those sects comes from God; all the evil and falsity have been injected by man. 

And White was insistent upon this last point evil in the church 
and pointed to church history, Jewish, Catholic, and Protestant. 
He objected to ministerial brag and bluster about what good had 
been done for the world; and ministers reminded him of the un- 
profitable servant. The ministers wanted to convert the non- 
Christian peoples first, the heathen "but don't! Go among the 
Christian nations, beginning with this one"; then England and Eu- 
rope. As for the non-Christian peoples : 

Don't call on the heathen until you have gone through your own households, 
visited your relatives and dwelt among your wife's relations, and after you have 
got all through, stand up in your pulpits and brag, if you dare; but you won't 
brag if you have any sense left. The churches will say, Lord, we have been 
unprofitable servants. . . . 37 

Inter and Intra-cultural Relations: Incompatibility, 

Rivalry, and Conflict 

To an uncommon degree, White was able to view his own time 
and culture as though he was an outsider. Whatever the origin of 
his manner of viewing cultural relations, this trait was encouraged 
by familiarity with Swedenborg's example in having the inhabitants 
of the several planets describe their own customs and contrast them, 
especially with those of the earth, to the latter's disadvantage or 
advantage, as the case might be. Problems agitating White's gen- 
eration were presented by conflicts within the culture of the United 
States in relations with the American Indian "savages," and with 
"immoral" polygamous Mormons; and outside the United States 
with the so-called Christian nations in Europe, and in Asia, Africa, 
and elsewhere with the allegedly "heathen" people. What, indeed, 
were the distinguishing characteristics that were assigned to the 
people that labeled them as savage, immoral, Christian, or heathen? 
In the Swedenborgian sense, that true religion had relation to the 

37. Ibid., June 21, 1882. The article referred to, "Politics and the Pulpit," and re- 
printed in this issue, had been published first in the Beacon, November 3, 1880, instead of 
September, 1880, the reference given by the editor. 



life people led, were not all these terms no more than exhibitions 
of prejudices damaging only to the user by revealing his own sin 
of self-love? White thought so, and said so in terms so blunt and 
uncompromising as sometimes to infuriate even his friends. 

The Sioux Indians were described by Joe Haskins, a mixed-blood 
member of the Indian police, as controlled by their religion; they 
respected the rights of both person and property within the tribe, 
reverenced the Great Spirit, had no belief in an evil one (White 
interjected, "unhappy wretches, with no devil"), had no profanity 
comparable to that of white men, their respect for the marriage 
relation was noteworthy, although wives were bought. "Here is 
a great field for missionary labor," jeered White, 

We are in doubt whether to send them a delegation from the churches, of 
the class connected with the Indian bureau; or a corps of scientific evolutionists, 
athiests, and materialists. A people who act upon principle of right as they see 
it, and not from rapacity, greed, lust of power and dominion; who know 
nothing of the political doctrine of a "Scientific Frontier;" who are not 
skilled in the "art diplomatic," which is the high art of lying and deception, 
are a dangerous people to have hanging on our frontiers. Their example is 

White suggested probable explanations of the condition of these 
Indians: "their degraded religious principles," lack of "a civilized 
political system," and of "a free educational system." "How desti- 
tute they must be," he explained, " no houses of prostitution, no 
assignation houses, no Dago dens, no foundling hospitals, no Mag- 
dalen hospitals, no adultery, no rapes and seductions, no divorce 
courts. ... In the name of God had we better not don the 
breech clout and the blanket? . . ." In connection with a press 
report of an annual Baptist convention in New York, White con- 
cluded that "They [the Indians] do not yet know that the grandest 
result of all church work is a law and a penitentiary. . . . We 
very much doubt that if the savages had a clear and an intelligent 
understanding of these things, they would not run to escape our 
culture." 38 

Using as a text ex-Vice-President Colfax's proposal to suppress 
Mormonism by law, White pointed out that "Mormonism really 
seems to thrive the more the effort is made to suppress it. It is 
a great evil, but the law is powerless to eradicate it." He then 
proceeded to differentiate between what he called social and non- 
social evils. The element of collusion was the key to his classifi- 
cation. A social evil involved collusion; polygamy, adultery, prosti- 

38. Ibid., March 16, 1881; Daily Beacon, November 19, 1885. 


tution, liquor traffic, were named. Nonsocial evils did not involve 
collusion; slavery "lacked the element of agreement or assent/' 
likewise, murder, theft, embezzlement, arson; and because of the 
absence of this collusive or social element, "society is easily ar- 
rayed against them, and all the moral and intellectual forces aid 
the police element," also, the police element can punish when a 
crime is committed by one person against another, but all prohibi- 
tion by law is useless in a matter of collusion between parties. In 
order to drive home his point about the extent of evil, the variety 
of its forms and the large proportion of the population who are 
themselves guilty of some variety of sin, and the confusion in- 
volved in groups of sinners joining forces against other particular 
groups of sinners, White resorted to what might be termed the 
shock technique to jar his readers loose from the smugness of their 
conventional modes of thinking, or more properly feeling, about the 
sins of others, especially those geographically remote whom they 
never met face to face: 

Polygamy is a hard nut to crack; so is adultery; so is prostitution. Suppose 
all the prostitutes, male and female, and all the adulterers, in this Christian 
land whose holy horror is excited against polygamy, were gathered into one 
community; does anyone doubt that they would be numerous enough to go 
out and lick the Mormons any day in the week before breakfast. Now, this 
fact makes the nut a great deal harder to crack. On account of the irritating 
beams in our own eyes, we can't hit hard nor straight. It strikes us as a 
little funny, that people as full of the devil as we are should get so out- 
rageously mad with a people as full of the devil as the Mormons are. 

Next, in order to prepare his sequence of argument, White re- 
turned to the policeman: 

He can abate a nuisance, when that nuisance affects directly society or an 
individual. He can arrest a man when he is drunk; not for getting drunk, 
for the law has no business with what a man does. A man has an immoral 
right if that is not too great a paradox to get drunk, and it's none of the 
policeman's business. The law has only the right to abate him as a public 
nuisance; and so with every other social evil. 

Open adultery is a nuisance, and the policeman ought to abate it. He 
has no right to punish the parties for the evil of adultery, nor for the sin of 
the act. . . . His right attaches only when and only because it becomes 
a public nuisance and infringes upon the public decency and peace. And 
so with polygamy. It's none of the government's the policeman's business 
whether polygamy is moral or immoral. . . . The government has a right 
to attack Mormonism, on the ground that it is a nuisance, destructive of the 
safety, peace and good order of society. 

Having made these distinctions in order to focus his main point, 
White resorted once more to his shock example: 


Our plan would be, if we were the policeman, to declare polygamous 
Mormonism a nuisance and then arm our adulterers and prostitutes and send 
them out to suppress this nuisance. The greater would absorb the lesser 
evil. The attacking forces could be walled in and left to devour each other. 

White recognized that this procedure would have momentous con- 
sequences, but would accomplish one objective so much desired by 
the reform forces: 

This would, no doubt, largely diminish our population and belittle our great- 
ness, for this is measured by the vastness of our population, by overshadowing 
monopolies, by the number and magnificence of our police palaces state 
capitols, penitentiaries and lunatic asylums. 

"Selfishness is a moral evil and disease/' the editor insisted, 

infinitely worse than polygamy, adultery or murder. But what moral, ra- 
tional right would the government the police element have to suppress, 
limit, restrict or prohibit selfishness? It has only the right to take cognizance 
of the ultimate effects of selfishness so far as they directly and injuriously 
affect some factor or community of factors. Its action must not be based 
upon the immorality of the act, but upon its outward and injurious effects upon 
the individual safety and property. 

This essay on the basic principles of jurisprudence stirred up 
Beacon readers, and made further explanations necessary. The 
difficulty in mobilizing the punitive forces, White insisted, could 
be met by declaring the Mormons outlaws, their property confis- 
cated, and by granting to the members of the expedition a fee 
simple title to all property they could lay hands on. Mormonism 
would be cleaned out of Utah, but would not be suppressed only 
driven elsewhere. White accused Switzerland of solving its criminal 
pauperism problem, not by overcoming criminal pauperism, but by 
shifting its geographical location to the United States. 39 

The Mormon question persisted and somewhat later, in referring 
to the symbolic personality of the United States as Old Samuel, 
White alluded derisively to his activities in the field of morals: 

Polygamy is a great moral evil, and if Samuel is anything he is a moral re- 
former and his great mission is to conserve, preserve and pickle morals, so 
they will keep. Why do not Mormons drop polygamy and adopt polly- 
wogamy, prostitution, and free (love) divorce, and become decent and self- 
esteemed people? 40 

At the Baptist convention previously mentioned, among the di- 
versities of opinion expressed on American Indian and Mormon 
cultural patterns, one MacKinney struck what White approved as 
a true note on the Mormon question: "The Mormons support many 

39. Weekly Beacon, December 28, 1881, January 4, 1882. 

40. Daily Beacon, May 6, 1885. 


wives at once, but how many Americans support a number of wives 
one after another?" 41 

In editorializing on enforcement of the Edmunds anti-polygamy 
law, White related a news story datelined Bridgeport, 111., reporting 
the abuse and egging of Mormon converts at that place. This was 
an example, he pointed out, of how Illinois was willing to supple- 
ment the Edmunds act by mob violence, and thus the problem 
was solved. Or was it 

There is nothing like a bill for a social evil. Salvation by faith alone in a 
bill is becoming universal faith, taught in all our churches and formulated 
in codes and statutory creeds. It used to be a general faith that the Son of. 
God came to save the world, but that was before the birth of Edmunds. The 
coming was an unnecessary work. 42 

The non-Christian heathen became the subject of a number of 
Beacon articles in which inter-cultural relations received equally 
candid treatment. The first occasion was the visit of a woman 
missionary who had been active in India in a campaign to elevate 
the status of women and to terminate infanticide, especially of 
girl babies. White raised the question of hypocracy in the United 
States contraception and foeticide compared with infanticide. Do 
American women kill their infant daughters? 

Oh, no, no, God forbid! We are a free, enlightened Jesus loving, God fearing 
nation. . . . this is wrong we don't wait till they are born. We kill 
them both male and female, before they are born. We have numerous 
medical schools, where eminently scientific men are educated to teach us how 
to destroy life. . . . 

We would like to know a crime of heathendom, that we can't discount. 
We said last week that we were a nation of infernal pharisees and hypo- 
crites. . . . The heathen might justly say to all propagandists, "We don't 
see difference enough to warrant us in making a change." 

Foeticide is a thousand times worse than intemperance. 43 

Shortly afterward, White drew another type of paradoxical 

The Christian nations under the divine ministrations of the Churches, are 

beacon lights to the rest of the world. . . . The heathen are sending 

their brightest youths to study the art of war in our military and naval 

Referring specifically to England and the United States, the Beacon 
declared: "Both nations occasionally bombard their seaports to 
compel them to receive their goods and their gospel/' 44 

41. Ibid., November 19, 1885. 

42. Ibid., October 17, 1885. 

43. Weekly Beacon, March 9, 1881. 

44. Ibid., July 13, 1881. 


In another instance a lecturer on Japan told about "the cleanliness, 
orderliness, industry, ingenuity, skill, and above all, their wonderful 
honesty" (with concrete examples as illustrations). White made 
his point clear by the headline given to report: "Heathendom, 
Where Is It?" 45 

But the more usual report on conditions among the "heathen" 
were those typical of returned missionaries: "It is the invariable 
rule among Christian nations to hold the church in China and all 
other so-called benighted heathen lands altogether and wholly re- 
sponsible for all kinds of evils." The mode of procedure on the part 
of Christian nations for putting an end to the evils of which they 
disapprove is to attack religion to change their religion is to 
change their way of life. The Beacon agreed that this reasoning 
was logical. But the same formula is equally applicable to the re- 
ligion and evils in the United States. But here the unanimous 
explanation of evil is not the religion, but "the Devil." To this 
White replied, of course, according to his "New Church" doctrine, 
that denied the existence of the Devil; each man is his own devil: 

It seems to us that the missionary who goes abroad to save the souls of 
the heathen with his creeds and rituals, has a cheek of brass and an impudence 
that would shame his devil. 46 

Taking as a text the address, in the old stereotype, of a woman 
missionary returned from Siam, White protested as unjust the re- 
flection upon the Christian God implied in assuming that he had 
done nothing to save these heathen people. Swedenborg had in- 
sisted upon the universality of the true religion, comprehending 
within the love of God, not only the so-called Christian nations, but 
the so-called heathen of this earth, and of all possible earths in the 

It seems not to have occurred to the benighted missionaries that God was 
as much with the Siamese, overshadowing them with his love and solicitude, 
all these centuries, as he has been with the so-called Christians; that he gave 
them all the light and Me they could receive, and that they were saved 
just so far as they were obedient to the light received. It is horrible to think 
that these untold millions are and have been trooping to hell simply because 
they have not known what Calvin thought of God. 

White insisted that if the missionaries would but list all the crimes 
of Christian civilization, they would not dare tell them to any in- 
telligent heathen as evidence that missionaries had anything to offer 
them: "What we need is missionaries ... to ... save 

45. Ibid., March 12, 1884. 

46. Daily Beacon, April 9, 1885. 


us from a so-called civilization that makes us frauds, dead beats, 
robbers, and oppressors on the earth. . . ." 47 

White commended President Arthur's veto of the Chinese ex- 
clusion bill in 1882. Later he denounced the policy adopted in the 
territory of Washington which paraphrased Gen. Phil Sheridan's 
Indian maxim: "The good Chinaman is a dead Chinaman." Later, 
he praised President Cleveland for stopping the massacre and 
robbery of the Chinese in the Far West. And at home, mirabile 
dictu, the Wichita local of the Knights of Labor published in the 
Beacon, December 26, 1885, in a peculiar perversion of Christmas 
spirit, an appeal to the citizens of the city and county to boycott 
Chinese laundries and "to prevent Chinese labor in any shape what- 
ever from gaining a foothold in our fair city." 48 White did not 
protest! And neither did Murdock! What an opportunity to make 
political capital out of the democratic paper's inconsistency! But 
the Bird in his aerie on Douglas avenue tucked his head under his 
wing and did not see. 

47. Ibid., May 20, 1885. 

48. Weekly Beacon, April 12, 1882; Daily Beacon, November 12, 13, December 26, 

(To Be Concluded in the Summer, 1959, Issue.) 

The Annual Meeting 

THE 83d annual meeting of the Kansas State Historical Society 
and board of directors was held in Topeka on October 21, 1958. 

Subject for the special public meeting in the G. A. R. auditorium 
at 10 A. M. was "Techniques for the Small Historical Museum." 
Edgar Langsdorf, assistant secretary of the State Historical Society, 
presided. Feature of the program was a slide talk by Stanley Sohl, 
the Society's museum director. 

The meeting of the Society's board of directors was held con- 
currently in the newspaper reading room. Called to order by 
President Alan W. Farley, the first business was the annual report 
by the secretary: 


At the conclusion of last year's meeting the newly elected president, Alan 
W. Farley, reappointed Charles M. Correll and Frank Haucke to the executive 
committee. Members holding over were Will T. Beck, John S. Dawson, and 
T. M. Lillard. 

Four members of the Society's board of directors have died since the last 
report. R. F. Brock of Goodland, banker and stockman, and member of the 
Society since 1918, died November 11, 1957. History was Mr. Brock's 
hobby; he was a collector of firearms, maps, documents, and rare coins and 
currency. He served on the Society's board of directors from 1938 and was 
president in 1948-1949. Mr. Brock's interest was genuine and unfailing 
through the years, and he was a friend who was always ready to give of himself 
and his means. 

Mrs. Lalla Maloy Brigham, a member since 1931, died December 26, 1957, 
at the age of 90. Mrs. Brigham was known as the unofficial historian of 
Council Grove, having lived there almost all her life. She was the author of 
a book, The Story of Council Grove on the Santa Fe Trail, in addition to 
many historical articles. She also took a leading part in the promotion of 
centennial celebrations in 1921 and 1925, the first to commemorate William 
Becknell's successful pack trip over what came to be the Santa Fe trail and 
the second to commemorate the birth of the trail. 

Lynn R. Brodrick, for many years publisher of the Marysville Advocate- 
Democrat and widely known as a leader of the Democratic party in Kansas, 
died January 29, 1958. Mr. Brodrick had served from 1942 to 1955 as the 
U. S. internal revenue director for Kansas and at the time of his death was 
state highway director. Earlier he had been a member of the bipartisan 
committee that drafted the first Kansas highway law during the administration 
of Governor Paulen, and he had served as a member of the Highway Com- 
mission under Governors Woodring and Landon. 

Frank Motz, founder and editor of the Hays Daily News, died August 15, 
1958. The son of pioneer residents of Hays, he spent his life in the news- 
paper field. After graduation from the University of Kansas school of 



journalism he worked as a reporter on the Kansas City (Mo.) Star and then 
on various Kansas newspapers until 1929, when he established the Daily 
News. The loss of these friends is noted with sincere regret. 


The Society this year was fortunate in receiving legislative appropriations 
for several important projects which had been rejected in previous sessions. 
Funds were allocated for laying an asphalt tile floor in the museum, for re- 
placement of the exterior doors and installation of steel shelving in the base- 
ment vault, and for several other long-needed improvements. Appropriations 
for normal operating expenses were approved. Requests for air-conditioning, 
and steel flooring for the main stack area, however, were again denied. 

Budget requests for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1960, were filed with 
the state budget director in September. Appropriations requested for salaries 
and operating expenses are about the same as for the current year. New 
capital improvement requests include sand-blasting to clean up the exterior 
of the building and construction of a suspended ceiling on the fourth floor to 
conceal the unsightly steel beams which detract from what is otherwise one 
of the finest and most attractive museums in the Middle West. A new 
elevator, to be installed in an existing but unused shaft, has also been re- 

By far the largest single request in the budget is for remodeling of the 
G. A. R. hall on the second and third floors. The 1958 legislature provided 
$7,500 for architect's fees, and planning has progressed to the point where 
realistic cost estimates have been made. These requests are aimed at making 
the building as attractive and functional as possible for the approaching 
centennial in 1961. An auditorium of proper size, with good acoustics is 
essential to take care of school and other groups which visit the Society, and 
where meetings including our own can be held. More museum space, 
both for displays and storage, and a larger microfilm reading room are also 
needed. All these are provided for in the proposed remodeling. 

Appropriations for the various historical properties out of Topeka remain 
at about the same level as before. The only capital improvement requests 
approved for the current year were $150 for trimming trees at the Kaw Mission 
and the Funston Home. Requests for next year generally are limited to the 
same improvements which have been budgeted unsuccessfully for the past 
several years. 


Featured in the four issues of The Kansas Historical Quarterly for 1958 
are the letters of Daniel R. Anthony, edited by Edgar Langsdorf and R. W. 
Richmond. Colonel Anthony was an early resident of Leavenworth, founder 
of the Anthony dynasty now in its fourth generation as publishers of the 
Leavenworth Times, and a vigorous and colorful personality who played a 
significant role in Kansas history. A new series by Dr. James C. Malin on early 
Kansas philosophers began in the Summer issue. Other articles scheduled 
for publication this year include letters written by members of the First U. S. 
cavalry while in the Indian country in 1859-1861, edited by Louise Barry, 
and a story of the Mudge ranch near Jetmore by Margaret Evans Caldwell. 

Increased printing appropriations have made it possible to enlarge the 
Quarterly to 128 pages, 16 more than formerly. Many articles of substantial 


worth have been submitted to the editorial board and readers may look 
forward to entertaining and meaty fare in the issues just ahead. 

The Mirror, sent every two months to members to give them current news 
of the Society's work, has been well received since its inception four years 
ago. It has proved especially helpful in calling attention to materials needed 
in the museum, and many valuable items have been donated as a direct 
result of requests made in its columns. 

Items from the Kansas press of 100 years ago continue to be sent to Kansas 
editors in the form of monthly news releases. This program was begun over four 
years ago as part of the territorial centennial observance, and has proved so 
popular that it has been continued. 

The work of indexing the 17 volumes of the Kansas Historical Collections, 
the Biennial Reports for 1877-1930, and the three small volumes of special 
publications has been completed and the index entries are now being alpha- 
betized and assembled. The 1958 legislature appropriated $5,000 for publi- 
cation of this index, which it is hoped will be finished by the fall of 1959. 
Upon its completion work will begin on a general index of the Quarterly, to 
be published as a companion volume. 

Texts for two more historical markers were written and sent to the State 
Highway department. One marker, located at Baldwin, tells something of 
the early history of that community, and the other, at Beeler, reviews the 
career of George Washington Carver, who homesteaded in Ness county in 1886. 

Within a month the Society will publish a new list of Kansas imprints 
prior to 1877. Alan W. Farley, the Society's president, and Lorene Anderson 
Hawley of the library staff have been working on this compilation for several 
years. Titled Kansas Imprints, 1854-1876, the new publication will be issued 
as a supplement to the original Check List of Kansas Imprints, 1854-1876, 
which was published in 1939 by the American Imprints Inventory of the 
Historical Records Survey. The new book, containing 405 entries and eight 
pages of illustrations, is now on the press. Considering the nature of the 
work, the printing has been limited, and the volume will be offered for sale. 

The Kansas Centennial Commission and its committees have held several 
meetings during the year. Preliminary arrangements were made for the de- 
signing and issuance of a commemorative stamp in 1961 by the Post Office 
Department and numerous ideas and suggestions have been received. An 
appropriation of $25,000 was made by the 1958 legislature for the work of the 
commission during the fiscal year ending June 30, 1959, the fund to be ad- 
ministered through the Historical Society. 


Public records from the following state departments have been transferred 
during the year to the archives division: 

Source Title Dates Quantity 
Agriculture, Board of . . . Statistical Rolls of Counties, 1951 1,727 vols. 
Auditor's Office Plats and Surveys: Sur- 
veyor General for Kan- 
sas and Nebraska 1854-1875 9 portfolio 

Engineering Examiners, 

Board of Engineer License Applica- 
tion Folders 1951-1956 17 reels mi- 


Source Title Dates Quantity 

Insurance Department . . Annual Statements 1949-1951 1,792 vols. 

Workmen's Compensa- 
tion Commissioner . . Awards and Orders in 
Docketed cases, Nos. 
14,000-18,279 1945-1949 8 boxes 

Annual reports were received from the Director of Alcoholic Beverage 
Control, Registration and Examining Board of Architects, Auditor of State 
and Department of Post-Audit, Crippled Children Commission, Larned State 
Hospital, State Library, Board of Medical Registration and Examination, Board 
of Podiatry Examiners, Real Estate Commission, School for the Blind, Soldiers' 
Home and Mother Bickerdyke Annex, Traveling Libraries Commission, State 
Treasurer, Veterans' Commission, Water Resources Board and Workmen's 
Compensation Commissioner for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1957, and 
from the Anti-Discrimination Commission for the fiscal year ending June 30, 

The original enrolled laws of Kansas territory, 1855-1860, contained in nine 
large volumes, have been microfilmed. Most of the volumes were of a size 
difficult to shelve and they were also so badly deteriorated that they were 
virtually unusable in their original form. However, the three volumes for 
1855, the famous "Bogus Laws," were reasonably well preserved and even 
though they are now on film, the originals will be kept permanently on file in 
the archives. 


The number of library patrons increased substantially again this year. The 
total was 4,602, of whom 1,905 were interested in Kansas subjects, 1,741 in 
genealogy, and 956 in general subjects. The largest percentage of increase 
has been in requests for Kansas material. Many researchers have indicated 
that the Kansas section is one of the finest local history collections in this 
country. The completeness of the Kansas material is due largely to the fore- 
sight of the first administrators in obtaining early books and pamphlets while 
they were yet available, and to the generosity of individuals and organizations 
in donating their own publications and other items which pertain to Kansas. 
Locally printed books are often difficult to collect because the supply is so 
soon exhausted. Thanks are due to many patrons and friends who send in 
copies or furnish information on these local items. 

During the year letters were sent to all county superintendents of schools 
requesting copies of county school directories which are issued each year in 
compliance with a law passed by the 1955 legislature. As a result directories 
have been received from 80 counties and, in some cases, files for previous 
years as well. These directories, if received regularly, should be of immense 
value for reference through the years. 

In addition to the seven daily newspapers read regularly by the clipping 
department, 13 other dailies and ten weeklies, plus a number of miscellaneous 
papers a total of 7,276 separate issues were searched for local items. Special 
editions of 11 newspapers were also read and clipped. The department 
mounted 5,474 new clippings and remounted 1,325 older ones. In addition, 
the difficult and painstaking task of remounting the "Webb Scrapbooks" is 
nearly completed. This 17-volume collection of clippings from Eastern news- 
papers for the period 1854-1860 has been used by hundreds of students since 
it was acquired by the Society in 1877. 


New material on microfilm added during the year included: "A De- 
scriptive Roll of Kansas Volunteers, 1861-1865," loaned by the Adjutant 
General of Kansas; general, special and court-martial orders and circulars, 
with indexes covering the period, 1868-1875, issued by the Department of the 
Missouri, U. S. Army; and minutes of various Baptist association meetings in 
Kansas from 1858 to 1876. Two theses, "Corporation Farming in Kansas," by 
Emy K. Miller, and "Dr. John R. Brinkley, Candidate for Governor," by 
Francis W. Schruben, were lent for microfilming. Seven volumes of Perrin's 
histories of Kentucky counties were purchased on microfilm. These histories, 
published between 1884 and 1888, are long out-of-print and cannot now be 
purchased in book form. 

A number of Kansas and genealogical books were donated by their authors, 
and collections of older books were given by Mary Smith of New York City, 
Mrs. Alice Gordon Wilson of Topeka, and Mrs. Clif Stratton of Topeka. An 
unusual gift, a scrapbook of theater programs largely from Topeka theaters, 
was received from Mrs. Roy Crawford, Topeka. Typed copies of the fol- 
lowing theses were donated by the authors: "A Study of the Use of Editorial 
Expression in the Weekly Newspapers of Kansas for the Years 1925, 1940, 
and 1955," by Maurice C. Lungren; "The Revolt of Little Wolfs Northern 
Cheyennes," by William D. Mather; "The Lecompton Conspiracy: the History 
of the Lecompton Constitution Movement in Kansas and the Nation, 1857 
and 1858," by Clifford Wayne Trow; and " Tm Not Selling Anything' Some 
Folklore From Kansas," by P. J. Wyatt. 

Typed records, printed books and pamphlets were given by the Kansas 
Societies of the Daughters of the American Revolution and the Daughters of 
American Colonists. The National Society of Colonial Dames in the State of 
Kansas, the Wichita Town Committee of the same organization, and the 
Elizabeth Knapp chapter, Daughters of American Colonists, Manhattan, made 
gifts of money for the purchase of local histories and the 1850 federal census 
on microfilm. 

Very little Kansas history has appeared in book or pamphlet form this 
year. Centennial booklets were published at Eudora, Gardner, and Salina, 
and Alfred B. Bradshaw of Turon wrote a book of reminiscences entitled 
When the Prairies Were New. Homer E. Socolofsky, of Kansas State College, 
edited A Bibliography of Theses and Dissertations Pertaining to Kansas His- 
tory, a project of the Kansas Association of Teachers of History. 

Library accessions, October 1, 1957-September 30, 1958, were: 
Bound volumes 

Kansas 183 

General 618 

Genealogy and local history 135 

Indians and the West 58 

Kansas state publications 58 

Total 1,052 

Clippings 17 

Periodicals 236 

Total, bound volumes 1,305 

Microfilm (reels) 18 



Kansas 1,103 

General 468 

Genealogy and local history 48 

Indians and the West 17 

Kansas state publications 224 

Total 1,860 


The papers of Alfred M. Landon, received during the year, constitute a 
large and important addition to the holdings of the Society. Besides more 
than 90 file drawers of correspondence, the collection includes photographs 
and scrapbooks, and should prove a rich source of information for researchers 
in the field of political history. Much of the material pertains to the presi- 
dential campaign of 1936. The collection has not been cataloged and at this 
time may be used only with the permission of Mr. Landon. 

A large body of papers was received from the estate of the late Cora Dolbee, 
for many years a member of the faculty of the University of Kansas. There 
are more than 800 letters in the collection, which was originally held by the 
family of the Rev. John S. Brown, a pioneer Unitarian minister of Lawrence. 
It was lent to Miss Dolbee for research purposes with the understanding that 
it would be deposited in the Society. The letters fall within the period 
1818-1906 and were written by friends and members of the Brown family 
in Kansas and the East. Included are 15 letters by Charles A. Dana, 1842-1861. 
The manuscripts were accompanied by an extensive collection of anti-slavery 
poems taken from newspapers and magazines, 1854-1861. These have been 
placed in the library. 

Seventeen pages from the day book of the Western Bakery, Lawrence, 
dated 1861, were received from Mrs. Thomas T. Parker, Phoenix, Ariz. Mrs. 
Parker is the granddaughter of Louis A. Wise, operator of the bakery, which 
was burned during the Quantrill raid. The pages were found in the ruins. 
Among the patrons were John Speer, Lyman Eldridge, Dr. S. B. Prentiss, 
A. D. Searl, S. W. Eldridge, the Home Guards, and the Eldridge House. 

Mrs. Homer Wark, Topeka, gave three diaries kept by her husband, the 
Rev. Homer Wark, 1917-1919. Dr. Wark was a chaplain in the A. E. F. and 
served with the 137th U. S. infantry from May until September, 1918, when 
he was assigned to the base hospital at Rimaucourt, France. 

Two ledgers from the grocery firm of C. W. Myers & Co., Topeka, 1903, 
1904-1908, were given by Fritz Leuenberger, Jr., Topeka. 

Mrs. Harry Dobson, Wichita, gave a diary kept by her father, John Hannibal 
Trautwine, September 3-December 23, 1873, in which he gives an account 
of a buffalo hunt. 

Three somewhat unusual letters by John James Ingalls, written in 1855, 
1859 and 1862, were received from the estate of the late Ann Downs Ingalls 
of Shokan, N. Y. 

A small group of papers of H. C. Harrison, Brandon, Vt., 1880-1892, were 
received from his daughter, Mrs. George C. Cobb, Rutland, Vt. They relate 
mainly to the Barton County Bank, Great Bend, of which Harrison was presi- 
dent although he never maintained residence in Kansas. 


Papers of Dr. Franklin Loomis Crane and members of his family were 
received from a great granddaughter, Mrs. Carl F. Trace, Topeka. Included 
are 192 manuscripts, mainly family and Civil War letters, and two manuscript 
volumes: a record of the Topeka Town Association's account with F. L. Crane; 
and a diary with scattered entries from 1853 to 1869. Dr. Crane first came to 
Kansas in 1854 and settled permanently in Topeka the following year. He 
was one of the builders of the city. A portion of his diary for 1856-1857, 
was received from Caroline K. Wallbridge, Topeka. 

An unpublished book length manuscript, "Citizenship and Essential Liber- 
ties and Rights," by the late Parley Paul Womer, was given by his wife. Dr. 
Womer was a leader in the development of Washburn University. He served 
as president for 16 years, 1915-1931, and later as professor of American 
citizenship and public affairs. 

A typescript of portions of the diary of Anne Jones Davies was given by 
her daughter, Priscilla Davies, Denver, Colo. Both Mrs. Davies and her 
husband, John Davies, came to America from Wales and after their marriage 
in the 1870's settled in Arvonia township, Osage county. John Davies was a 
stone mason, and during his absences on construction work Anne managed 
their farm. The years of the diary are 1882-1884, 1886-1888. 

Correspondence relating to floods in Kansas, their prevention and control, 
was received from the estate of Snowden Dwight Flora, author and government 
meteorologist at Topeka. There are 81 items. 

Microfilm copies of the following have been acquired: 

Twelve reels of letters and reports from Congregational missionaries and 
church groups in Kansas to the American Home Missionary Society, New York, 
1854-1877, 1892, and 1893. The letters are not limited to church matters and 
contain many references to conditions in Kansas. The film was obtained from 
the University of Chicago; originals are held by the Chicago Theological 

Reminiscences of the early West and experiences of the Bowlby family. 
Original manuscript lent by Mrs. E. B. Brown, Denison. 

The original records of the Manhattan Town association, seven manuscript 
volumes covering the period 1855-1877. Included are the constitution and 
bylaws of the association, lists of town lots, town shares, and stockholders. 
The first volume contains records of the Boston association. The originals are 
in the possession of Sam C. Charlson, Manhattan, who lent them for copying. 

Papers of Elizabeth Ann Berryman Eddy, Topeka, consisting of miscel- 
laneous documents, talks and letters. Originals were lent by her grandson, 
Leo B. Dixon of Hanston. 

Letters, 1862-1864, and diary, 1861-1862, of Alva Curtis Trueblood. True- 
blood served with the 13th regiment Indiana Volunteers and his letters were 
written from the field. In 1880 he came to Atchison where he engaged in 
business and served as city clerk. The papers were lent by Mr. and Mrs. 
R. A. Goodhue, San Gabriel, Calif. 

Records of the Secretary of the Interior: Journals and field books relating 
to the Eastern and Central division of the Fort Kearny, South Pass and 
Honey Lake wagon road, 1857-1859. Included are rough notes of travel of 
the advance party under W. H. Wagner, chief engineer, from Belmont, Kansas 
territory, to OronviUe, Calif., 1859. 


Other donors were: Mrs. C. T. Barker, Liberal; E. A. Benson, Kansas 
City; Edward E. Bill, Garden City; Mrs. Henry Blake, Sr., Topeka; Mrs. 
Frank W. Boyd, Mankato; Berlin B. Chapman, Stillwater, Okla.; Charles 
Darnell, Wamego; Mrs. Lavilla Eastham, McPherson; Mrs. Ella Funston Eck- 
dall, Emporia; Mary and A. Blanche Edwards, Abilene; Alan W. Farley, 
Kansas City; Mrs. Philip Fox, Evanston, 111.; Mrs. Edna P. Gilpin, Phoenix; 
the Haise family, Russell; Mrs. Ralph W. Heflin, Pearland, Tex.; Henry 
Gaffney, Jr., Irvington, N. J.; Mrs. Meta Howard Geary, Wichita; Walter A. 
Huxman, Topeka; H. R. Landes, Topeka; Mrs. O. H. Landrith, Enid, Okla.; 
Laura Loughmiller, Topeka; Pearl Maus, Topeka; Henry A. Meyer, Evansville, 
Ind.; Ottawa County Historical Society; Jennie Small Owen, Topeka; Lyle 
Owen, Tulsa, Okla.; Elmo Richardson, Lawrence; Joseph G. Rosa, Ruislip, 
Middlesex, England; Mrs. William E. Stanley, Wichita; Mrs. E. E. Swanzey, 
Abilene; Ailine Thomas, Merriam; Mrs. J. R. Throckmorton, Hays; Mrs. W. V. 
Turner and sons, Las Vegas, Nev.; Mrs. Charles H. Watson, Evanston, 111.; 
Mrs. Alice Wilson, Topeka; Mrs. Blodwen Williams Zeitler, Ft. Madison, Iowa. 


As of September 30, 1958, the microfilm division has made 4,896,000 
photographs since it began operation in 1946, 349,000 of them in the past 
12 months. Nearly 278,000 were of newspapers, 64,000 of archival records, 
4,000 of library materials, and 1,500 of manuscripts. The balance were nega- 
tives produced for private purchasers. 

The largest newspaper project of the year was the filming of the Topeka 
State Journal for January 1, 1943-June 29, 1946, and April 6, 1949-December 
31, 1957. The Wichita Eagle, both morning and evening editions, was filmed 
for the period September 1, 1953-February 28, 1957; the Kinsley Mercury 
for August 18, 1899-December 27, 1956; the Cheney Sentinel for March 1, 
1894-December 26, 1940; the Osage City Free Press for July 10, 1875-De- 
cember 28, 1916; and the Johnson County Herald, Overland Park, for Janu- 
ary 1, 1942-December 27, 1956. Other newspapers microfilmed included the 
Topeka Commonwealth, May 20, 1869-November 1, 1888; the Kansas City 
Labor Bulletin, February 23, 1940-December 27, 1957; Lucifer, the Light- 
Bearer, Chicago, 111., January 6, 1897-June 6, 1907; Marion Record, July 23, 
1875-December 28, 1900; Oskaloosa Independent, August 27, 1870-December 
28, 1900; and 18 other newspapers and periodicals requiring less than two 
rolls of film each. 

Microfilming of archives was concentrated primarily on the state census 
of 1895. Approximately half has been completed and work is continuing on 
this project. 


The museum has completed another highly successful year. The number 
of visitors was 58,494, breaking last year's all-time record by more than 
6,000. The total was swelled by 375 school and scout groups which took 
advantage of the guided tours conducted as part of the museum's educational 
program, and a new monthly record of 9,564 was established in May. 

Twenty new display cases were received and exhibits installed in them 
during the year. This completes, for the time being, the case displays planned 
for the fourth floor. Replicas of a doctor's office, a dentist's office, and an 


old-time general store, all of which were mentioned in last year's report, were 
completed in the east gallery, and have attracted much favorable comment. 
The appearance of the museum has also been greatly improved by the installa- 
tion of an asphalt tile floor. 

The Society appeared in a new field last month by setting up a display 
at the Kansas Free Fair at Topeka. Space was made available through the 
courtesy of Maurice E. Fager, manager of the fair, and 11,695 persons visited 
the exhibit during the week. Many learned for the first time about the So- 
ciety and its work, and the display was so well received that a request has 
already been made for the use of the same space next year. 

During the spring and summer the assistant museum director, Roscoe 
Wilmeth, conducted an archaeological survey in the Pomona and Melvern 
reservoir areas in Osage county. The work was done under an agreement with 
the National Park Service. The 1958 legislature appropriated funds for the 
purchase of basic archaeological field equipment, including instruments for 
surveying and mapping. Plans are being made to conduct a survey of the John 
Redmond reservoir area and to send a field party to make excavations in the 
Pomona reservoir area next summer under new contracts with the National 
Park Service. 

There were 227 accessions comprising 897 objects during the year. Dona- 
tions included clothing and accessories from Mrs. Roy Crawford and her 
grandson, Berry, of Topeka; Spanish- American War souvenirs from Adna G. 
Clarke, Jr., of Honolulu, Hawaii; items for the general store from Mr. and 
Mrs. Charles Darnell of Wamego, Mrs. Fred W. Gauch of Kansas City, and 
Mrs. Duane McQueen Ward of Peabody. Wayne Herneison of Wamego 
donated a blacksmith forge and many tools; other blacksmith equipment was 
received from E. W. Jaeger of Hope. 

Oil portraits of Mr. and Mrs. Franklin L. Crane, Topeka pioneers, were 
given by Mr. and Mrs. Erwin Keller, Topeka. Dental equipment for the 1900 
dental office period room was donated by Dr. William Mclnerney of Abilene, 
and clothing and accessories belonging to Mrs. Eliza Abbott Root were received 
from Mrs. Louise S. Woodward of Eskridge. 

Other donors included: Atchison, Topeka & Santa Fe railroad; Wallace 
Baker, Protection; Mrs. Ethel Ballinger, Ozawkie; Mrs. Olive Bell, Topeka; 
Roderick Bentley, Shields; Mrs. Henry Blake, Sr., Topeka; Mrs. Eugene L. 
Bowers, Topeka; Mrs. Claude Brey, Ozawkie; Mrs. D. J. Brown, Rochester, 
N. Y.; Mrs. Maclure Butcher, Neodesha; W. C. Byington, Winchester; Mrs. 
Minnie Campbell, Topeka; E. C. Cannon, Phillipsburg; estate of Arthur 
Capper, Topeka; Mr. and Mrs. Eldon W. Cessna, El Segundo, Calif.; Mrs. 
Charles F. Chrisman, Jackson Heights, N. Y.; Dr. Orville R. Clark, Topeka; 
Mrs. Martina Clarkson, Harper; Mrs. W. B. Collinson, Topeka; Mrs. Gerald J. 
Courtney, Topeka; Mrs. Warren M. Crosby, Jr., Topeka; Mrs. Edwin W. Davis, 
Topeka; Mrs. Flora E. Davison, Kansas City, Mo.; Mrs. Lyndon Day, Topeka; 
Esther Delker, Chapman; Vern Donge and sons, Larry and Ronnie, Soldier; 
Lupe Duran, Teseque Pueblo, N. M.; Arrold R. Earhart, Topeka; Dr. E. W. 
Eustace, Lebanon; D. S. Farman, Manhattan; Mrs. Earl Ferguson, Valley Falls; 
Mrs. Phillip Fox, Evanston, 111.; Barbara Funston, Mill Valley, Calif.; Mrs. Meta 
Howard Geary, Wichita; Mrs. Edna Piazzek Gilpin, Phoenix, Ariz.; Governor's 
office, Topeka; Harold C. Grinnell, Cedar Point; Mrs. Asa Hagans, Melvern; 


Harold L. Hale, Topeka; Dale W. Hall, Topeka; Mrs. R. C. Harding, Wamego; 
Mrs. Frank Haucke, Council Grove; Grace Haven, Council Grove; Mrs. Ralph 
W. Heflin, Pearland, Tex.; Chester Heizer, Caldwell; Mrs. Bessie Hereford, 
Topeka; Wesley R. Hurt, Vermillion, S. D.; Mrs. Minnie Jacobs, Council Grove; 
A. M. Jarboe, Topeka; Mrs. Virginia A. Johnson, Gardner; Mrs. Carl Jones, 
Topeka; Dean L. Jordan, Sr., Abilene; Kansas State Printing Plant, Topeka; 
Mrs. B. Gage Kenny, Lincoln; Mr. and Mrs. R. L. Kingman, Topeka; W. A. 
Kingman, Springfield, Mo.; C. L. Kinley, Augusta; Mrs. Lucy M. Large, 
Lecompton; Mrs. Laura Loughmiller, Topeka; Mrs. P. A. Lovewell, Topeka; 
Mrs. V. E. McArthur, Hutchinson; Florence McCall, Salina; Dr. Duncan C. 
McKeever, Houston, Tex.; Mrs. F. M. Manshardt, Topeka; Marquart Music 
Co., Topeka; Lakin Meade, Topeka; Roy Mendez, Topeka; Mrs. Grace Men- 
ninger, Topeka; B. F. Messick, Topeka; Mrs. Esther Pennock Miller, Topeka; 
Mr. and Mrs. Henry W. Miller, Delavan; Carl Mullendore, Howard; Mrs. 
Pearl Nellans, Portland, Ore.; Mrs. Myra Perrings, Topeka; Mrs. A. G. Pickett, 
Topeka; estate of Mrs. George W. Porter, Topeka; Ray B. Ramsey, Topeka; 
estate of Cora E. Ream, Kansas City, Mo.; Mrs. C. H. Reser, Hamilton; Charles 
R. Richards, Detroit, Mich.; Ned Richardson, Topeka; John Ripley, Topeka; 
Mrs. J. C. Ruppenthal, Russell; Mrs. R. A. Schwegler, Lawrence; Sears Roe- 
buck & Co., Topeka; Mary Alice Smith, Abilene; Mr. and Mrs. W. V. Snyder, 
Berryton; Stanley Sohl, Topeka; Mr. and Mrs. Albert Speer, Topeka; Mrs. W. E. 
Stanley, Wichita; Mrs. Fred Straley, Topeka; Annie B. Sweet, Topeka; Capt. 
Dorr Thomson, Hutchinson; Mrs. Elsa M. Tindell, Burlingame; Mr. and Mrs. 
Chester Trower, Topeka; Jim Wahwasseck, Topeka; Louis Walddy, Americus; 
Washburn University, Topeka; Mr. and Mrs. J. D. Weidman, Topeka; Walter 
W. Wendell, Topeka; Mr. and Mrs. Ben E. White, Bonner Springs; R. D. 
Wiley, Melvern; Mary Willbrandt, Washington; Mrs. Alice Wilson, Topeka; 
Mr. and Mrs. William J. Zeidler, Topeka; and Mrs. J. F. Zimmerman, Valley 


Over 4,800 patrons were served in person by the newspaper and census 
division, and more than that number were given assistance by mail. 

Use of the Society's newspapers increased considerably this year. Single 
issues used totaled 6,911, bound volumes 7,898, and microfilm reels 2,498. 

This was the first full year during which a charge of $1.00 each was made 
for certified copies of the Society's records. The result has been a substantial 
decrease in the number of census and newspaper certifications requested. 
A total of 4,876 certificates were furnished, less than 40 percent of last year's 
figure. However, the number of census volumes searched was 23,164, as 
compared with 36,134 reported a year ago. 

Nearly all Kansas publishers continue to contribute their newspapers to 
the Society for filing. Fifty-four dailies, 12 semiweeklies, and 291 regular 
community weeklies are now being received. Also, 143 newspapers published 
by Kansas schools, labor unions, churches and other institutions are donated by 
their publishers for the Society's files. Nine out-of-state newspapers are 

During the year the Society added 438 reels to its collection of newspapers 
on microfilm. Thirteen Kansas publishers donate microfilm copies of their 
current issues to the Society. 



Older Kansas newspapers added to the files included: Nemaha Courier, 
Seneca, 20 issues scattered from November 28, 1863, to November 16, 1865, 
donated by the New York State Historical Society; Southern Kansan, Lawrence, 
May 1, 1886, donated by the Illinois State Historical Library; Howard County 
Ledger, Longton, February 23, 1871, donated by Mrs. Richard W. Leach, 
Evanston, 111.; and Once A Week, Lawrence, July 14, 1883, donated by Gorton 
V. Carruth, Pleasantville, N. Y. 

Other donors of newspapers were: Mrs. Henry Blake, Sr., Topeka; Mrs. 
Dale Brown, Delphos; Mrs. Maurene Buckmaster, Topeka; Adna G. Clarke, Jr., 
Honolulu, Hawaii; Bob Ellis, Topeka; Mrs. C. H. Engle, Topeka; Alan W. 
Farley, Kansas City, Kan.; Mrs. Ralph W. Heflin, Pearland, Tex.; Mrs. Charles 
McGill, Paola; B. F. Messick, Topeka; Norman Niccum, Tecumseh; Lena M. 
Smith, Princeton, Ind.; Mary Smith, New York City; Etta Templeton, Topeka; 
Mrs. Carl F. Trace, Topeka; Mrs. Alice Wilson, Topeka; and B. W. Zeitler, 
Ft. Madison, Iowa. 


During the year 1,994 photographs have been added to the Society's col- 
lection. Of these, 1,135 were gifts, 482 were lent for copying and 301 were 
taken by the Society staff. Seventy-six color slides have been accessioned. 

Several large groups of photographs were given to the Society. Among 
the more important were over 400 glass negatives of Russell county scenes, 
obtained through J. C. Ruppenthal of Russell and Elmo Mahoney of Dor- 
ranee; 23 views of Osborne and vicinity in the 1890's from Mrs. Nellie Baldwin, 
Osborne; 13 Ottawa county scenes from Don D. Ballou, Kansas City; 56 glass 
negatives of Lawrence and Topeka views from J. Leland Benson, Topeka; 
59 pictures of the 20th Kansas regiment in the Philippines from Adna G. 
Clarke, Jr., Honolulu, Hawaii; 22 post card views of Kansas at the turn of the 
century from Dr. Duncan C. McKeever, Houston, Tex.; and 67 pictures of 
Fort Riley hospitals and officers, from Maj. George Omer, Jr., Fort Riley. 

Excellent collections of early Kansas pictures were lent for copying by 
C. M. Correll, Manhattan; Jess Denious, Jr., Dodge City; the Dickinson County 
Historical Museum, Abilene; the Eisenhower Museum, Abilene; the College 
of Emporia; St. Benedict's College, Atchison; George Eastman House, Roch- 
ester, N. Y.; Paul Gibler, Claflin; Mrs. Frank Motz, Hays; the Riley County 
Historical Society, Manhattan; Mrs. Paul Shahan, Marion; the Smith County 
Pioneer, Smith Center; Homer Socolofsky, Manhattan; Floyd Souders, Cheney; 
C. C. Tinkham, Topeka; and Mr. and Mrs. J. I. Ziebolz, Ness City. 

The Society has furnished photographs during the year to such publica- 
tions as Holiday, American Heritage and Life, to several of the nation's 
leading book publishers, and to the National Broadcasting Company. In 
addition, many authors, newspapers and other historical institutions have ob- 
tained prints from the Society's collection. The current interest in the old 
West has brought requests for photographs of cowtowns and peace officers 
from all parts of the United States and from Holland, England and Italy. 

Ninety new maps have been accessioned this year, 45 of which are recent 
issues of the United States Geological Survey. Photostats of 25 maps of 
Kansas military posts were obtained from the National Park Service, Omaha. 

Other recently received maps include a plat of Pleasant Hill, 1855, and a 


map of the Missouri river, 1878-1881, from the State Auditor's office; a plat of 
Colby, 1887, from August Lauterbach, Colby; an ownership map of Miami 
county, 1958, from Harry Hemphill, Paola; Woodson county, about 1910, 
from H. R. Landes, Topeka; and Riley county pioneer roads and trails from 
Morris Werner, Manhattan. 

G. L. Chadborn of Kansas City, through Alan Farley of Kansas City, pre- 
sented the Society with a photographic copy of an 1869 lithograph of the 
town of Wyandotte. 


Subjects for extended research during the year included: Protestant mis- 
sionaries to the Indians; early transportation in Kansas; '89ers; Kansas songs, 
Civil War songs; Otoe Indians; overland journals; early mail systems in Kansas; 
farmers' diaries; Sharps rifles; Cherokee Strip and Kansas border towns; the 
town of Rolla; motion picture censorship in Kansas; public utilities; the Kansas 
Power and Light Co.; Emporia Gazette; German language publications; west- 
ern Kansas cattle trails; mental hospitals; Kansas Turnvereins; history of Fort 
Scott, 1842-1872; Fort Scott Baptist Association; Kansas, 1930-1935; Kansas 
governors' wives; sunflowers; Indian medicine; John R. Brinkley; Luke Short; 
James B. Hickok; Wyatt Earp; William Barclay Masterson; Vernon L. Par- 
rington; James A. McGonigle; "Doc" Holliday; Albert H. Horton; Elam Bar- 
tholomew; Edmund G. Ross, Arthur Capper, and Alfred M. Landon. 


Bound Volumes 

Kansas 9,969 

General 56,937 

Genealogy and local history 10,099 

Indians and the West 1,523 

Kansas state publi cations 3,201 

Total 81,729 

Clippings 1,284 

Periodicals 17,294 

Total, bound volumes 100,307 

Manuscripts ( archives and private papers, 

cubic feet) 5,750 

Maps and atlases 5,366 

Microfilm (reels) 

Books and other library materials 244 

Public archives and private papers 1,392 

Newspapers 7,089 

Total 8,725 

Newspapers (bound volumes) 

Kansas 57,551 

Out-of-state 11,983 

Total 69,534 

Paintings and drawings 421 



Kansas 92,830 

General 38,464 

Genealogy and local history 3,762 

Indians and the West 1,071 

Kansas state publications 5,732 

Total 141,859 

Photographs 33,037 


Registration of visitors at the First Territorial Capitol, on the Fort Riley 
reservation, totaled 6,906, an increase of 324 over last year. Although it was 
expected that the by-passing of the fort by the new U. S. 40 highway would 
result in fewer visitors, the contrary, so far at least, has proved to be the case. 
The efforts of the Junction City Chamber of Commerce in promoting tours to 
Fort Riley and the old Capitol, and the new directional markers which were 
placed on U. S. 40 at the request of John Montgomery, second district highway 
commissioner, have resulted in substantial increases during the past two years. 

Visitors registered from all states except Nevada. Alaska, the District of 
Columbia, Puerto Rico, and Hawaii were also represented as were the Philip- 
pine Islands, Canada, Panama and 14 other foreign countries. 


This property, located in a less heavily traveled area than the Society's 
other historic sites, was visited by 955 people, about 50 less than last year. 
Twenty states were represented in addition to Kansas, but "home folks" pro- 
vided most of the visitors, 820. 

The Funston home has continued to develop as an interesting attraction. 
Barbara Funston of Mill Valley, Calif., a daughter of Gen. Frederick Funston, 
presented articles belonging to her father, including a pair of snowshoes and 
two Eskimo fishing spears from his Alaskan trip, a plumed military dress hat, 
and a pair of shoes which he wore during the Aguinaldo expedition. Also, 
through the courtesy of Maj. Gen. Joe Nick ell, the adjutant general, the So- 
ciety received from the Department of Defense replicas of four medals 
awarded to General Funston, among them the Medal of Honor. 


Kaw Mission, at Council Grove, enjoyed another successful year. At- 
tendance totaled 5,732, about 200 more than last year. Visitors came from 
43 states in addition to Kansas, and from two territories and 17 foreign 

The Council Grove Republican continued its weekly publication of a 
"Museum Scoreboard" and the information booth operated by the Junior 
Chamber of Commerce directed many tourists to the Mission. Two more rose 
bushes were presented by the Nautilus Club. 

A number of interesting accessions were received for the museum. Donors 
included Frank Allen, Mrs. Norma Comer Bates, Mrs. Floyd Bramick, Mrs. 
Eugene Chase, V. S. Coltrane, Russell Dodderidge, the Dwight Library, Ivy 
Foster, Mrs. Minnie Jacobs, Oscar Larson, Clarence Reveal, Leslie Ruttledge, 
Ocie Shemwell, and Neil L. Tweedman. 



Registration at Old Shawnee Mission was 6,182, of whom 1,301 lived 
outside of Kansas. Visitors came from 39 states, the District of Columbia, 
and 14 foreign countries. 

They included Edna Williams, related to Charles Bluejacket, a Shawnee 
Indian chief; Robert Russell, Joe Russell, and Jerome Berryman, II, great 
grandsons of the Rev. Jerome C. Berryman who was superintendent of the 
mission at the time the North building was built; and Fred Chouteau, grand- 
son of Cyprian Chouteau. 

Several rooms in the East building were painted, the floors of three were 
sanded and varnished, and the exterior of the building was waterproofed. An 
asphalt parking strip also has been constructed for the convenience of visitors. 

The Society is indebted to the Daughters of the American Revolution, the 
Daughters of 1812, the Daughters of American Colonists, the Colonial Dames, 
and the Shawnee Mission Indian Historical Society for their continued as- 
sistance at the mission. 


Acknowledgement is due the Society's staff for the accomplishments noted 
in this report. They have worked faithfully and conscientiously to make the 
Society truly a service institution. It is not possible to mention here all the 
individuals whose efforts have contributed to the total result, but each has my 
sincere thanks. Special attention should be called to the work of Edgar 
Langsdorf, assistant secretary, and the department heads: Mrs. Lela Barnes of 
the manuscript division, who is also treasurer of the Society; Robert W. Rich- 
mond, archivist; Alberta Pantle, librarian; Stanley D. Sohl, museum director; 
and Forrest R. Blackburn of the newspaper division. 

Appreciation is also due the custodians of the historic sites administered 
by the Society: Mr. and Mrs. Harry A. Hardy at Shawnee Mission, Mr. and 
Mrs. Elwood Jones at Kaw Mission, Mr. and Mrs. V. E. Berglund at the 
Funston Memorial Home, and Mr. and Mrs. J. L. Brownback at the First 
Territorial Capitol. 

Respectfully submitted, 

NYLE H. MILLER, Secretary. 

At the conclusion of the reading of the secretary's report, Robert 
Aitchison moved that it be accepted. Motion was seconded by 
Kirke Mechem and the report was adopted. 

President Farley then called for the report of the treasurer, Mrs. 
Lela Barnes: 


Based on the post-audit by the State Division of Auditing and Accounting 
for the period August 9, 1957, to August 4, 1958. 

Balance, August 9, 1957: 

Cash $3,479.24 

U. S. bonds, Series K 5,000.00 




Membership fees $1,129.94 

Gifts 136.60 

Interest on bonds 138.00 

Interest, Bowlus gift 27.60 

Interest, savings 28.12 



Disbursements $1,067.72 

Balance, August 4, 1958: 

Cash $3,871.78 

U. S. bonds, Series K 5,000.00 



Balance, August 9, 1957: 

Cash $50.64 

U. S. bonds, Series K 1,000.00 



Interest on bond $27.60 

Interest on savings account 3.34 



Balance, August 4, 1958: 

Cash $81.58 

U. S. bond, Series K 1,000.00 


Balance, August 9, 1957: 

Cash $132.13 

U. S. bond, Series K 500.00 



Interest on bond $13.80 

Interest on savings account 1.69 



Balance, August 4, 1958: 

Cash $147.62 

U. S. bond, Series K 500.00 




This donation is substantiated by a U. S. bond, Series K, in the amount of 
$1,000. The interest is credited to the membership fee fund. 

Balance, August 9, 1957: 

Cash (deposited in membership fee fund) $595.19 

U. S. bonds, Series K 5,500.00 



Bond interest (deposited in membership fee fund) . . 151.80 


Disbursements: books, prints, mss $284.35 

Balance, August 4, 1958: 

Cash (deposited in membership fee fund) $462.64 

U. S. bonds, Series K 5,500.00 




This report covers only the membership fee fund and other custodial funds. 
Appropriations made to the Historical Society by the legislature are disbursed 
through the State Department of Administration. For the year ending June 
30, 1958, these appropriations were: Kansas State Historical Society, including 
the Memorial building, $240,593.61; First Capitol of Kansas, $6,432; Kaw 
Mission, $4,198; Funston Home $3,780; Old Shawnee Mission, $16,131. 

Respectfuly submitted, 

MRS. LELA BARNES, Treasurer. 

Kirke Mechem moved that the report be adopted. Frank Haucke 
seconded the motion and the report was accepted. 

In the absence of Will T. Beck, chairman, T. M. Lillard presented 
the report of the executive committee on the post-audit of the So- 
ciety's funds by the State Division of Auditing and Accounting: 


October 17, 1958. 
To the Board of Directors, Kansas State Historical Society: 

The executive committee being directed under the bylaws to check the 
accounts of the treasurer, states that the State Department of Post-Audit has 
audited the funds of the State Historical Society, the Old Shawnee Mission, 
the First Capitol of Kansas, the Old Kaw Mission, the Funston Home, and 
Pike's Pawnee Village, for the period August 9, 1957, to August 4, 1958, and 
that they are hereby approved. WILL T. BECK, Chairman, 



On a motion by James E. Taylor, seconded by E. A. Thomas, the 
report was accepted. 

President Farley then presented a recommendation by the execu- 
tive committee that the election of officers be regularly scheduled 
for the morning meeting of the board instead of for a meeting fol- 
lowing the afternoon session. It was felt by the committee that 
under the proposed plan more appropriate recognition could be 
given the President-elect, also that it was desirable to omit the late 
afternoon board meeting. There was no objection and the report 
of the nominating committee was presented by T. M. Lillard: 


October 17, 1958. 
To the Board of Directors, Kansas State Historical Society: 

Your committee on nominations submits the following report for officers 
of the Kansas State Historical Society: 

For a one-year term: Richard M. Long, Wichita, president; E. R. Sloan, 
Topeka, first vice-president; and Jerome C. Berryman, Ashland, second vice- 

For a two-year term: Mrs. Lela Barnes, Topeka, treasurer. 

Respectfully submitted, 

WILL T. BECK, Chairman, 

James E. Taylor moved that the secretary cast a unanimous bal- 
lot for the officers named in the report. E. A. Thomas seconded the 
motion and the officers were declared elected. 

Following the election of officers, the secretary outlined plans 
for the proposed remodeling of the G. A. R. hall area. He stated 
that the legislature of 1958, in response to a resolution in 1957 by 
the Society's board of directors, had appropriated $7,500 for archi- 
tects' fees; that plans provided for a small auditorium, badly needed 
display and storage space and another reading room; and that the 
entire cost might be as much as $280,000. Several expressed the 
hope that the 1959 legislature would appropriate the required 
amount and that the work could be completed by early 1961 when 
centennial celebrations of both statehood and the Civil war will 

There being no further business, the meeting adjourned. 


Annual Meeting of the Society 

The annual meeting of the Kansas State Historical Society opened 
with a luncheon at noon in the roof garden of the Jayhawk hotel. 
About 175 members and guests attended. 

The invocation was given by William E. Berger, head of the 
history department of the College of Emporia. 

Following the luncheon President Farley introduced guests at 
the speakers' table. These included Governor and Mrs. Docking 
and officers of the Society and their wives. President Farley de- 
livered his address, "Samuel Hallett and the Union Pacific Railway 
Company in Kansas," which appears elsewhere in this issue. 

Following the address, President Farley presented a small plaque 
to each of the following past presidents of the Society and to Kirke 
Mechem, former secretary, all of whom had received a special 
invitation to attend the meeting: Thomas M. Lillard, James C. 
Malin, Fred W. Brinkerhoff, Robert T. Aitchison, Charles M. Correll, 
Frank Haucke, F. D. Farrell, Wilford Riegle, and Rolla Clymer. 
Three past presidents were unable to attend: John S. Dawson, Will 
T. Beck, and Angelo Scott. Mr. Farley was given a plaque by the 
newly elected president, Richard M. Long. 

John Ripley, Topeka, was introduced and spoke briefly of his 
work in collecting old lantern slides. He then presented his talk, 
"Take Me Out for a Joy Ride," which was illustrated with slides 
of many early views of Topeka. 

The following memorial to the late R. F. Brock of Goodland, 
former president, was read by the secretary who was instructed to 
send a copy to Mrs. Brock: 

The death of Roland F. Brock on November 11, 1957, meant the loss of 
an old and cherished friend. Mr. Brock was a banker and stockman by voca- 
tion, a historian and collector by avocation. He was born in Kentucky in 
1887, came to Kansas in 1910, and from that time until his retirement on 
January 1, 1957, was a prominent business man of western Kansas. 

His banking career took him from Yoder, Kan., to Hutchinson, McCracken, 
Greensburg, Sharon Springs, and finally to Goodland. For four years in the 
early 1920's he served as a national bank examiner, and after that for another 
five years he was a farmer and rancher before turning again to banking. He 
served on the loan committee of the Reconstruction Finance Corporation and 
as a member and secretary of the Kansas Livestock Commission. 

Mr. Brock's fondness for history was sincere and of long standing. His 
hobbies included the collecting of rare coins and currency, Indian relics, fire- 
arms, documents, maps, and newspapers. His study of the Civil War led him 
to visit many battlefields, his last trip being made during the spring of 1957. 


He contributed scores of articles to museums at Wallace, Goodland, Fort Hays 
State College, and the State Historical Society. One of his last projects was 
the erection and dedication of a monument to the memory of members of the 
German family, who were massacred by Indians in present Logan county. 

Mr. Brock joined the State Historical Society in 1918, and took an active 
and continued interest in its work. He served on the board of directors for 
nearly 20 years, from 1938 until his death, and was president in 1948-1949. 
His warm spirit and friendly understanding will be missed by his many friends. 

Mention was made by the secretary of the attendance at the 
meeting of Donald F. Martin of Los Angeles. Mr. Martin is a 
grandson of George W. Martin, secretary of the Society from 1899 
to 1914. 

The report of the committee on nominations for directors was 
called for and read by Charles M. Correll: 


October 17, 1958. 

To the Kansas State Historical Society: 

Your committee on nominations submits the following report and recom- 
mendations for directors of the Society for the term of three years ending 

in October, 1961: 

Barr, Frank, Wichita. Montgomery, John D., Junction City. 

Berryman, Jerome C., Ashland. Owen, Arthur K., Topeka. 

Charlson, Sam C., Manhattan. Owen, Mrs. E. M., Lawrence. 

Correll, Charles M., Manhattan. Payne, Mrs. L. F., Manhattan. 

Davis, W. W., Lawrence. Reser, Mrs. C. H., Hamilton. 

Denious, Jess C., Jr., Dodge City. Richards, Walter M., Emporia. 

Hall, Standish, Wichita. Riegle, Wilford, Emporia. 

Hegler, Ben F., Wichita. Robbins, Richard W., Pratt. 

Jones, Horace, Lyons. Rupp, Mrs. Jane C., Lincolnville. 

Kampschroeder, Mrs. Jean Norris, Scott, Angelo, lola. 

Garden City. Sloan, E. R., Topeka. 

Kaul, Robert H., Wamego. Smelser, Mary M., Lawrence. 

Lauterbach, August W., Colby. Stewart, Mrs. James G., Topeka. 

Lillard, T. M., Topeka. Taylor, James E., Sharon Springs. 

Lindquist, Emory K., Wichita. Van De Mark, M. V. B., Concordia. 

Maranville, Lea, Ness City. Wark, George H., Caney. 

Means, Hugh, Lawrence. Williams, Charles A., Bentley. 

Respectfully submitted, 

WILL T. BECK, Chairman, 

Mr. Correll moved that the report be accepted. Fred W. Brinker- 
hoff seconded the motion and directors for the term ending in 
October, 1961, were elected. 



Reports of local societies were called for and given as follows: 
Mrs. H. M. Trowbridge for the Wyandotte County Historical So- 
ciety; Mrs. Eugene Kotterman for the Shawnee Mission Indian 
Historical Society; and William E. Koch for the Riley County His- 
torical Society. Reports from several other societies were also 
received in writing. President Farley introduced a group from 
the Kansas City Posse of the Westerners. 

There being no further business, the meeting was adjourned. 
All members and guests were invited to attend an open house at 
the Memorial building where special displays had been arranged. 



Aitchison, R. T., Wichita. 
Anderson, George L., Lawrence. 
Anthony, D. R., Leavenworth. 
Baugher, Charles A., Ellis. 
Beck, Will T., Holton. 
Chambers, Lloyd, Clearwater. 
Chandler, C. J., Wichita. 
Clymer, Rolla, El Dorado. 
Cochran, Elizabeth, Pittsburg. 
Cotton, Corlett J., Lawrence. 
Dawson, John S., Topeka. 
Eckdall, Frank F., Emporia. 
Euwer, Elmer E., Goodland. 
Farley, Alan W., Kansas City. 
Gard, Spencer A., lola. 
Knapp, Dallas W., Coffeyville. 
Lilleston, W. F., Wichita. 

Lose, Harry F., Topeka. 
Malin, James C., Lawrence. 
Mayhew, Mrs. Patricia Solander, 


Menninger, Karl, Topeka. 
Miller, Karl, Dodge City. 
Moore, Russell, Wichita. 
Rankin, Charles C., Lawrence. 
Raynesford, H. C., Ellis. 
Reed, Clyde M., Jr., Parsons. 
Rodkey, Clyde K., Manhattan. 
Shaw, Joseph C., Topeka. 
Somers, John G., Newton. 
Stewart, Donald, Independence. 
Thomas, E. A., Topeka. 
von der Heiden, Mrs. W. H., Newton. 
Walker, Mrs. Ida M., Norton. 


Bailey, Roy F., Salina. 
Baughman, Robert W., Liberal. 
Beezley, George F., Girard. 
Beougher, Edward M., Grinnell. 
Bowlus, Thomas H., lola. 
Brinkerhoff, Fred W., Pittsburg. 
Cron, F. H., El Dorado. 
Docking, George, Lawrence. 
Ebright, Homer K., Baldwin. 
Farrell, F. D., Manhattan. 
Hall, Fred, Topeka. 
Hamilton, R. L., Beloit. 
Harper, Mrs. Jesse C., Ashland. 
Harvey, Mrs. A. M., Topeka. 
Haucke, Frank, Council Grove. 
Hodges, Frank, Olathe. 
Lingenfelser, Angelus, Atchison. 

Long, Richard M., Wichita. 
McArthur, Mrs. Vernon E., 


McCain, James A., Manhattan. 
McFarland, Helen M., Topeka. 
McGrew, Mrs. Wm. E., Kansas City. 
Malone, James, Gem. 
Mechem, Kirke, Lindsborg. 
Mueller, Harrie S., Wichita. 
Murphy, Franklin D., Lawrence. 
Rogfer, Wayne, Matfield Green. 
Ruppenthal, J. C., Russell. 
Simons, Dolph, Lawrence. 
Slagg, Mrs. C. M., Manhattan. 
Templar, George, Arkansas City. 
Townsley, Will, Great Bend. 
Woodring, Harry H., Topeka. 




Barr, Frank, Wichita. 
Berryman, Jerome C., Ashland. 
Charlson, Sam C., Manhattan. 
Correll, Charles M., Manhattan. 
Davis, W. W., Lawrence. 
Denious, Jess C., Jr., Dodge City. 
Hall, Standish, Wichita. 
Hegler, Ben F., Wichita. 
Jones, Horace, Lyons. 
Kampschroeder, Mrs. Jean Nonis, 

Garden City. 

Kaul, Robert H., Wamego. 
Lauterbach, August W., Colby. 
Lillard, T. M., Topeka. 
Lindquist, Emory K., Wichita. 
Maranville, Lea, Ness City. 
Means, Hugh, Lawrence. 

Montgomery, John D., Junction City. 
Owen, Arthur K., Topeka. 
Owen, Mrs. E. M., Lawrence. 
Payne, Mrs. L. F., Manhattan. 
Reser, Mrs. C. H., Hamilton. 
Richards, Walter M., Emporia. 
Riegle, Wilford, Emporia. 
Robbins, Richard W., Pratt. 
Rupp, Mrs. Jane C., Lincolnville. 
Scott, Angelo, lola. 
Sloan, E. R., Topeka. 
Smelser, Mary M., Lawrence. 
Stewart, Mrs. James G., Topeka. 
Taylor, James E., Sharon Springs. 
Van De Mark, M. V. B., Conccrdia. 
Wark, George H., Caney. 
Williams, Charles A., Bentley. 

Bypaths of Kansas History 


From the Marysville Locomotive, July 16, 1870. 

The Otoe Injuns have lately had some pay from the Government, and they 
are now visiting our town in large numbers, purchasing a supply of fine combs, 
soap and scrubbing brushes, preparatory to taking an annual clean-up. An 
injun with two dollars and a half is the happiest mortal in existence. They 
squander it vigorously for any and everything that the eye may feast on until 
it is all gone. One squaw was induced to buy a piece of our clear, sparkling 
Big Blue river ice, and, having wrapped it in a greasy piece of calico, deposited 
it in her bosom and started for her wigwam. A few moments after she was 
seen tearing down the street, strewing her garments as she went, and giving 
vent to the most unearthly gibberings, among which were audible only the 
words, "Ugh, d n white man; wetem squaw all over. Ugh!" 


From the Dodge City Times, November 24, 1877. 

A Row AMONG THE BELL RINGERS. The Alleghanian bell ringers were here 
last Thursday, and aside from a few other catch-penny hum bugs they were 
the snidest outfit we ever saw. The performance opened with a row between 
the manager, who had managed to get outside of about a barrel of Dodge City 
whiskey, and the ticket seller; and the only reason we blame the ticket seller 
is because he did not put a head on the manager. The passage way to the 
floor was crowded with people trying to get in, and the old drunken manager 
got on his ear and refused to let them come in, and kept them standing there 
while he and the ticket seller quarreled and made donkeys of themselves. 
Finally some of the other members of the troupe got them quieted, and after 
waiting an hour and a half the performance commenced inside. 

There was nothing good in the whole performance except when some one 
in the audience made a remark, which was not in itself very lucid, but at which 
one of the exquisitely charming performers laughed, exhibiting forty or fifty 
clay teeth, and a pair of ruby lips at sight of which pumpkin pies would 
shudder. The brightest star in the constellation, Madame Nani Bach was clad 
in a garment cut low necked in the back, and when she sang the very timbers 
of the building cracked. A young light haired professor with a long nose would 
run out on the stage occasionally and toot on a tin instrument for about two 
minutes and three quarters, then smile like a pile of grave stones and trot back. 
Another fellow beat on a lot of beer glasses with a wire, the sight and sound 
of which caused groans. The performance closed by the ringing of cow bells, 
and the tooting of fog horns. 


Kansas History as Published in the Press 

Publication of Orville W. Mosher's column, "Museum Notes/' in 
the Emporia Gazette has continued in recent months. Mosher is 
president of the Lyon County Historical Society and curator of the 
society's museum in Emporia. The column largely features Em- 
poria and Lyon county history. 

"Early-Day Events in Shaping an Empire," Simon E. Matson's 
series on the history of the St. Francis area, first printed June 14, 
1956, continues regularly in the St. Francis Herald. 

St. Boniface Catholic church at Scipio reached its 100th year in 
1958. A history of the church was published in the Anderson Coun- 
tian, Garnett, August 28, 1958. 

Historical articles on the Trinity Lutheran church, Great Bend, 
were published in the Great Bend Tribune, September 2, 1958, and 
the Great Bend Herald-Press, September 6. The church was organ- 
ized August 30, 1908. 

An article by Ruby Basye on Old Fort Hays and the Fort Hays 
museum was published in the Hutchinson News, September 3, 1958. 

Biographical information on Boston Corbett, who shot John 
Wilkes Booth, Lincoln's assassin, appeared in the Concordia Kan- 
san, September 4, 1958, and in the Concordia Blade-Empire, October 
23. Corbett homesteaded in Cloud county in 1878. A marker was 
recently placed at the homestead site. 

Among recent articles in the Ellis County Fanner, Hays, were: 
"History of Catholic Church in Hays Shows Catholics First to Erect 
Building," September 11, 1958, and "Pioneer Moore Family of Ellis 
County Endured the Direst of Hardships Here," by Mrs. Mabel 
Moore Raupp, November 13. 

Barbara and John Adam Warneke settled near present White City 
in 1857. An account of their descendants appeared in the Herington 
Advertiser-Times, September 11, 1958. 

A history of the Santa Fe trail, printed in a recent issue of the 
Panhandle Lines, publication of the Panhandle Eastern Pipe Line 
Co., was reprinted in the Southwest Daily Times, Liberal, Septem- 
ber 16, 1958. 


Kansas Historical Notes 

Current officers of the Riley County Historical Society include: 
William E. Koch, president; John Holmstrom, vice-president; Homer 
Socolofsky, recording secretary; Mrs. C. M. Correll, membership 
secretary; Sen. Sam C. Charlson, treasurer; and Joe D. Haines, Bruce 
Wilson, Mrs. C. B. Knox, James C. Carey, Ward C. Griffing, Mrs. 
Paul G. Brown, George A. Filinger, Earl Ray, and Holmstrom, di- 

Kingman observed its 75th anniversary with a four-day celebra- 
tion October 3-6, 1958. A historical production called "Prairi- 
drama" was presented each evening. The final day was old settlers' 

Dr. J. E. Turner was elected president of the Border Queen Mu- 
seum Association at a meeting of the organization in Caldwell, No- 
vember 28, 1958. Other officers chosen were: Doyle Stiles, first 
vice-president; Walker Young, second vice-president; Frederick 
Thompson, Jr., secretary; and Harry Jenista, treasurer. Young was 
the retiring president. 

Members of the Shawnee County Historical Society gathered in 
Topeka for their annual dinner December 4, 1958. The program 
featured the histories of Auburn, Dover, and Wakarusa. Bessie 
Moore, of Auburn, was the principal speaker. Re-elected to the 
board of directors for three-year terms were: Annie B. Sweet, Mrs. 
Wilber Galloway, Robert H. Kingman, Louis R. Smith, Otis Allen, 
Euphemia Page, Nyle Miller, R. C. Obrecht, Milton Tabor, and 
Erwin Keller. 

Plans for publication of a Kearny county history were recently 
announced by the Kearny County Historical Society. Committees 
have been appointed to compile material for the project. C. A. 
Loucks is president of the society. 

Nyle Miller, secretary of the Kansas State Historical Society, was 
the principal speaker at a December 11, 1958, gathering of the 
Ottawa County Historical Society in Minneapolis. The January 10, 
1959, meeting of the society, in Minneapolis, featured the histories 
of the Hall and Lamar churches, given by Mrs. Jessie Adee Dayhoff. 

Officers of the Augusta Historical Society for 1959 are: Stella B. 
Haines, president; Mrs. Ralph Ralston, vice-president; Florence 
Hudson, secretary; and Mrs. Ethel Shriver, treasurer. 



Harry E. Hanson was elected president of the Wyandotte County 
Historical Society at the society's annual meeting, January 8, 1959, 
in Kansas City. Ralph Clark was elected vice-president; Hazel Zel- 
ler, secretary; Raymond Lees, treasurer; Mrs. Harry Trowbridge, 
historian; and Harry Trowbridge, curator. New trustees are Alan 
Farley and Mrs. Clyde Glandon. Mrs. Trowbridge was the retiring 

Rolla A. Clymer was named president of the Butler County His- 
torical Society at a meeting of the trustees in El Dorado, January 
19, 1959. Charles E. Heilmann was chosen vice-president; Joy Wig- 
ginton, secretary; and Clifford W. Stone, treasurer. 

Wayne Randall, Osage City, was elected president of the Native 
Sons, and Evelyn Ford, Topeka, president of the Native Daughters, 
at the annual meeting of the Native Sons and Daughters of Kansas 
in Topeka, January 28, 1959. Other officers chosen by the Native 
Sons include: Dean Yingling, Topeka, vice-president; Floyd 
Souders, Cheney, secretary; and Emory Fager, Overbrook, treasurer. 
The Native Daughters elected Mrs. J. C. Tillotson, Norton, vice- 
president; Mrs. Chester Dunn, Oxford, secretary; and Lela Hough, 
Topeka, treasurer. Roy Bulkley, Topeka, and Mrs. Hobart Hoyt, 
Lyons, were the retiring presidents. Mrs. Bea Johnson, Kansas City, 
Kan., was the principal speaker. "Kansan of the Year" award went 
to Mrs. Frank W. Boyd, Mankato. 

"First Ladies of Kansas" was the theme of the annual meeting of 
the Woman's Kansas Day Club in Topeka, January 29, 1959. Dolls 
representing the first ladies, dressed in replicas of the inaugural 
gowns, decorated the luncheon tables. Brief biographies of the first 
ladies were given as part of the program. At the close of the meet- 
ing the dolls were donated to the Kansas State Historical Society. 
The president, Mrs. Lucile Rust, Manhattan, presided at the meet- 
ing. Mrs. Harry Chaff ee, Topeka, was chosen president for the 
coming year. Other officers elected include: Mrs. McDill Boyd, 
Phillipsburg, first vice-president; Mrs. Marion Beatty, Topeka, sec- 
ond vice-president; Mrs. Claude R. Stutzman, Kansas City, recording 
secretary; Mrs. Roy Gibson, Chanute, treasurer; Mrs. Frank Huff- 
man, Topeka, historian; Mrs. Larry E. VinZant, Wichita, auditor; 
Mrs. R. T. Unruh, Kinsley, registrar. The following district direc- 
tors were elected: Mrs. James V. Blue, Topeka; Mrs. George Wid- 
der, Kansas City; Mrs. Harold Medill, Independence; Mrs. J. P. 
Fallin, Wichita; Mrs. J, O. Carter, Garden City; and Mrs. Lillie 
Washabaugh, Natoma. 




Summer 1959 

Published by 

Kansas State Historical Society 



Managing Editor Editor Associate Editor 


ments, Part One) : 129 

With photographs of scenes and activities at Pratt Army Air Base, Great 
Bend Army Air Field and Smoky Hill Army Air Force Base, Salina, 
between pp. 144, 145. 


1859-1860 Calvin W. Gower, 158 

Reprint of a "Table of Distances" from Atchison to the Gold Mines, 
1859, between pp. 160, 161. 


MISSIONARY, 1854-1858 Concluded .... Edited by Emory Lindquist, 172 

Kansas Exemplar of the Philosophy of Emanuel Swedenborg 
and Herbert Spencer Concluded James C. Malin, 197 


Compiled by Alberta Pantle, Librarian, 229 




The Kansas Historical Quarterly is published four times a year by the 
Kansas State Historical Society, 120 W. Tenth, Topeka, Kan., and is distributed 
free to members. Annual membership dues are $3; annual sustaining, $10; 
life membership, $20. Membership applications and dues should be ad- 
dressed to Mrs. Lela Barnes, treasurer. 

Correspondence concerning articles for the Quarterly should be sent to 
the managing editor. The Society assumes no responsibility for statements 
made by contributors. 

Second-class postage has been paid at Topeka, Kan. 


B-29 Super Fortresses at the Smoky Hill Army Air 
Force Base, Salina. Official -photo U. S. Army Air 


Volume XXV Summer, 1959 Number 2 

U.S. Army and Air Force Wings 
Over Kansas 


MONTGOMERY county, Kansas, was named for Maj. Gen. 
Richard Montgomery, of Revolutionary War fame. 

That historical fact at the moment seems to have no connection 
with this story on air force wings over Kansas. Yet it was most 
important, for quite likely this article would never have materialized 
had the county been named for Joe Doakes or perhaps for anyone 
else. It came about as follows: 

The secretary of the Kansas State Historical Society attended a 
luncheon and dedication ceremony sponsored by the Esther Lowrey 
chapter of the Kansas D. A. R. in Independence June 14, 1957, at 
which a plaque honoring the Revolutionary War general was placed 
in the county courthouse. 

Important among the guests was Maj. Gen. Richard M. Mont- 
gomery, deputy commander of the Second Air Force, Barksdale Air 
Force Base, Louisiana. This General Montgomery, native of Penn- 
sylvania and no relation to the Revolutionary War general, had 
come to Montgomery county as a lieutenant colonel in 1942 to 
activate the Independence Army Air Field. He immediately gained 
the respect and co-operation of the local community, and the feel- 
ing quickly became mutual. Thus it seemed appropriate to plan 
the dedication of the plaque to the Revolutionary War General 
Montgomery at a time when the Air Force General Montgomery 
could be the honored guest. 

During the luncheon the Historical Society secretary mentioned to 
General Montgomery the Society's interest in obtaining historical 
sketches and pictures of some of the activity at the several air 
force bases in Kansas during World War II. It was explained that 
the Society had been trying over a period of years to obtain these 
records without success. Many of these bases had been built, 
had been used with spectacular success, and had been abandoned, 



but the Historical Society had been able to obtain only scraps of 
information about them. 

General Montgomery listened attentively, and replied that he 
would see if anything could be done and it was! So, the State 
Historical Society now finds itself happily indebted to Mrs. R. R. 
Bittmann, the arranger of the D. A. R. meeting in Independence, to 
Gen. Richard M. Montgomery, presently of Guam, and, finally, to 
the chief of the historical division of the United States Air Force 
at Barksdale Air Force Base, Joseph P. McGinley, and his associates 
at Barksdale and Maxwell bases, who prepared the following 
factual but interesting sketches of 16 army and air force bases 
in Kansas. Except for minor changes, and the addition of several 
footnotes, the histories are published here as written. 

Unfortunately, even with air force help, only a few photographs 
of these bases have been located. The State Historical Society will 
appreciate receiving copies of others, or information as to where 
such photographs can be obtained. Understandably, unofficial 
picture taking in bases during war time was prohibited. However, 
photographs may have been snapped, and the Society would like 
to know their whereabouts whether official or unofficial before 
they are lost to the Kansas archives. 

When air power began its development, with stove pipes the 
nearest thing to bombsights, as at Fort Riley about 1912, the army's 
air activities were conducted by the signal corps. By July 10, 
1941, the army air arm had become sufficiently important to be 
designated the Army Air Forces. Finally, under the Armed Services 
Unification Act of July 26, 1947, the Army Air Forces became the 
United States Air Force when the new Department of Defense 
became operative the following September 18. The air force now 
operates as one of the Defense Department's three main divisions 
air, army, and navy. Although practically all army air activity 
has been transferred to the air force, Kansas' two forts, Leaven- 
worth and Riley, continue to maintain army air fields. But their 
use is limited to the immediate servicing of regular post activities. 



/COFFEYVILLE Army Air Field was located seven miles north- 
^ / east of Coffeyville, on a 1,456-acre tract of land which had been 
purchased by the United States government. Construction, which 
was accomplished by contract under the supervision of the U. S. 


District Engineers, Tulsa, Okla., commenced on 1 June 1942, and 
continued over a period of eight months. Actually, however, the 
field was activated on 17 June 1942, with Col. Carlisle I. Ferris as 
the commanding officer. Construction work was sufficiently ad- 
vanced by 16 September following to accommodate the head- 
quarters staff which had been located temporarily in the city of 
Coffeyville. Meanwhile, on 3 August the Army Air Forces Gulf 
Coast Training Center had assumed jurisdiction over the in- 

Despite the generally level nature of the site selected for the 
Coffeyville Army Air Field some grading was necessary. Other 
construction work of a general nature included a water storage and 
distribution system; a sewage system and disposal plant; electric 
transmission and distribution lines; a railway spur line; access roads 
to nearby highways; paved streets on the site; and gasoline and 
oil storage systems. 

The remaining major installations and structures at the field may 
be noted conveniently under the following headings: airfield; 
cantonment; training; recreation and welfare; and hospital. Unless 
otherwise indicated, all the buildings listed were the theater-of- 
operation type structures. 

a) 4 runways, 4,100, 5,700, 5,871, and 5,872 feet long, and 
each 150 feet wide. 

b) 5 taxiways, 400, 400, 1,200, 1,800, and 2,400 feet long, and 
each 50 feet wide. 

c) 3 hangars (semipermanent construction). 

d) parking apron, 5,200 feet long and 450 feet wide. 

e) control tower. 

a) 67 enlisted men's barracks. 

b ) 25 cadet barracks. 

c) 3 WACs' barracks. 

d) 18 officers' quarters. 

e) 8 mess halls. 

f ) 1 guard house. 

g) 1 commissary, 
h) 13 warehouses. 

i) 11 administration buildings. 

j) 12 supply rooms. 

k ) 1 post headquarters building. 

1) 1 finance building. 

m) 1 post engineer building. 

n) 6 operations buildings. 


o) 1 fire station, 
p) 1 telephone building. 

q) 1 signal office building (semipermanent construction). 

a) 1 ground school building (semipermanent construction). 

b) 2 miscellaneous buildings. 

c) 6 link trainer buildings (semipermanent construction). 

d) 1 chemical warfare building. 
Recreation and Welfare. 

a) 17 general recreation buildings. 

b) 1 chapel (semipermanent construction). 

c) 1 theater (semipermanent construction). 

d) 1 post office. 

e) 1 post exchange. 

a) 1 administration building (semipermanent construction). 

b) 5 wards (semipermanent construction). 

c) infirmary (semipermanent construction). 

d) 1 dental clinic (semipermanent construction). 

e) 1 nurses' quarters. 

f ) 1 nurses' recreation building. 

Coffeyville Army Air Field had four auxiliary airfields. Indicated 
by numerals, their size and location with reference to the base 
field may be indicated as follows: No. 1, comprising 206 acres, ap- 
proximately 6.2 air miles to the southeast; No. 2, with 241 acres, 
about 14.25 air miles almost due east; No. 3, with 633 acres, 12.5 
air miles to the northeast; and No. 4, comprising 241 acres, just over 
nine miles slightly east of north. Auxiliary No. 3 was the only one 
with a regular concrete runway system. 

During July 1942 detachments of the following units were organ- 
ized at Coffeyville: the 908th Quartermaster Company, Aviation 
(Service); the 852d Ordnance Company, Aviation (Service); the 
778th Chemical Service Company (Aviation); and a Finance De- 
partment. Early in September following detachments of two other 
units, the 1038th Guard Squadron and the 857th Signal Service 
Company, Aviation, were organized. These were followed before 
the end of the year by medical and veterinary detachments and 
by the 23d Airways Communications Squadron. 

Coming for the most part from Enid Army Air Field, Enid, Okla., 
the bulk of the original military personnel arrived at Coffeyville 
during October and November 1942. They included troops of the 
366th Base Headquarters and Air Base Squadron, the 317th Army 
Air Forces Band, and the 820th, 821st, 822d, and 823d School 


Squadrons. From a total of 63 officers and 190 enlisted men on 
1 October 1942 the permanent party strength increased to 283 of- 
ficers and 2,369 enlisted men by 1 February 1943. 

The mission originally assigned to the CoflFeyville Army Air Field 
was the basic, or second-stage, training of aviation cadets. Hence 
the designation, Army Air Forces Basic Flying School, when it was 
activated on 17 June 1942. As of 1 January 1943 it was redesignated 
the CoflFeyville Army Air Field, although the mission was un- 
changed. From 6 August 1943 until 31 May 1944 the flying training 
unit at the field was known as Army Air Forces Pilot School ( Basic ) . 
On 1 June the CoflFeyville installation was transferred from the 
Army Air Forces Central Flying Training Command (successor 
to the Army Air Forces Gulf Coast Training Center) to the Third 
Air Force. Thereafter basic flying training was no longer con- 
ducted there. 

The training of cadets at CoflFeyville actually began on 14 No- 
vember 1942 with Class 43-C. Of the 137 in that group, 116 
graduated at the end of the course on 13 January 1943. Meanwhile, 
the second class, 43-D, with 156 cadets had begun training on De- 
cember 1942. It completed the course, with 129 individuals grad- 
uating on 15 February 1943. From beginning to end, approxi- 
mately 4,840 cadets and aviation students began the basic flying 
course, in 16 separate classes, at CoflFeyville. Incompletions, how- 
ever, because of physical and flying deficiencies, serious accidents, 
and resignations were fairly numerous. As a result, only 3,881 
successfully completed the course. 

Col. Carlisle I. Ferris remained as commanding officer at CoflFey- 
ville Army Air Field from its activation until 3 June 1943. He was 
replaced by Lt. Col. Charles B. Harvin who served in that capacity 
until the end of April 1944. Then Col. Nicholas T. Perkins assumed 

When it took over the field on 1 June 1944, the Third Air Force 
organized there the CoflFeyville Replacement Training Unit (Photo 
Reconnaissance) which was assigned to Headquarters Recon- 
naissance Training Wing (Provisional). Colonel Perkins remained 
as commanding officer of the field, while Lt. Col. Frank E. Dunn 
was named commanding officer of the training unit. The primary 
mission of the latter was to train pilots for combat photo recon- 
naissance. Three months later the unit was redesignated the 
CoflFeyville Combat Crew Training Station (Photo Reconnaissance), 
with some emphasis being placed upon the preparation of photo 


reconnaissance pilots for overseas movement. In mid-September it 
was assigned to the III Tactical Air Command. On 1 October 1944 
this training unit and the base administrative unit were integrated 
under the command of Colonel Perkins. 

The first group of photo reconnaissance pilots reported to Coffey- 
ville for training on 12 June 1944. Other groups followed in rapid 
succession. Operating at first on a 10-weeks' schedule, the students 
divided their time, roughly in the ratio of one to four, between 
ground school studies and flying training. In the beginning there 
were some B-25 pilots, but during the latter part of the period the 
aircraft used generally for this part of the work was the P-38. Com- 
mencing in January 1945 the students were required to complete 
four weeks of special instrument training before taking up their 
photo reconnaissance work. Because of limited facilities during 
the summer of 1945, some classes which had completed the instru- 
ment training course at Coffeyville were shipped to Will Rogers 
Army Air Field, Oklahoma City, Okla., for the photo reconnaissance 
work. During the latter part of July, however, the instrument 
training program was transferred from Coffeyville to Will Rogers 
Army Air Field, while the photo reconnaissance section at Will 
Rogers was transferred to Coffeyville Army Air Field. 

During the 12-months' period ending on 4 June 1945 over 460 
photo reconnaissance pilots completed all their training require- 
ments at Coffeyville, and were shipped to staging areas for 
processing and assignment to overseas shipments. In addition, 
more than 200 pilots received their instrument flying training at 
Coffeyville, and were shipped to Will Rogers for training as photo 
reconnaissance pilots. There was no diminution in this indicated 
rate of training during the few remaining weeks of World War II. 

Colonel Perkins continued to serve as commanding officer of 
Coffeyville Army Air Field until 9 November 1944. His successor 
was Lt. Col. Paul A. Zartman who remained in that post until 
just a few days before the surrender of the Japanese the following 
August. The next commanding officer was Col. James M. Smelley. 

Early in the post-war period Coffeyville Army Air Field was 
earmarked for eventual inactivation. In a temporary inactive status 
it was transferred to the Tactical Air Command on 21 March 1946. 
As soon thereafter as the necessary arrangements could be effected 
the Tactical Air Command transferred it to the U. S. District Engi- 
neers, Omaha, Neb., who assumed jurisdiction over the field on 
26 August 1946. 



THE Chamber of Commerce, through its president, Jess C. 
Denious, was active during early 1942 in encouraging the gov- 
ernment to locate an airfield in Dodge City. Mr. Denious, editor 
of the Dodge City Daily Globe, and lieutenant governor of Kansas, 
1943-1947, made several trips to Washington to interview the 
appropriate authorities. In order to demonstrate the advantages 
of the locality, Denious had compiled considerable information on 
such things as weather, terrain, and utilities. 

The first public announcement of the government's intention to 
construct an airfield at Dodge City was made on 10 June 1942 by 
Capt. R. E. DeBolt of the Division Engineers Office, Albuquerque, 
N. M. The purpose of the field, as stated at the time, was to pro- 
vide bomber training for the Royal Air Force. However, nothing 
further was heard of this, and the base was scheduled to be an 
advanced flying school, so that its original designation was "Army 
Air Forces Advanced Flying School/' This remained the field's 
intended function until February 1943, when, three or four months 
before operations would begin, the mission was changed to B-26 
transition training. 

Although the United States Engineers had surveyed the land 
desired for the field, bids for construction were let before the land 
was acquired. When the bids were opened it was discovered that 
only one bid had been submitted. A group of contractors, known 
as the Liston-Clarke, San-Ore, D. H. Hardman group, had joined to 
make the bid. The contract was awarded this group and the first 
truck load of building materials was unloaded on 6 August 1942. 

Pending final settlement of the purchase, possession was obtained 
by Rights of Entry granted by the owners. On 15 August 1942 the 
Office of Chief of Army Engineers issued a directive authorizing the 
acquisition of approximately 2,520 acres at an estimated cost of 

Since the Division Engineers Real Estate Branch was unable 
to come to an agreement with the eight landowners involved, it 
was necessary to proceed by condemnation. A Declaration of 
Taking was consequently filed in the District Court of the United 
States at Topeka. This action of course vested title in the United 
States. At the same time the sum estimated by the War De- 
partment to be fair compensation was deposited with the District 


Court. During the summer of 1943 final settlements were made 
between the government and the owners. Additional land was 
acquired during 1943. In January 1943 authorization was issued 
for purchase of over 16 acres for the construction of a railroad spur. 
Part of this property was obtained by direct purchase, and part by 
condemnation. In this same general period, that is from No- 
vember 1942 to April 1943, an additional 1,180 acres, for the 
construction of an auxiliary airfield, were purchased at a total cost 
of $45,610. The only other land acquired was the lease of some- 
thing over 11 acres as a site for a radio beam station. Total 
expenditures for the purchase of land came to approximately 

Located close to Dodge City, a city of about 14,000 population 
in 1942, the main establishment of Dodge City Army Air Field was 
contained within the following boundaries, beginning at the 
north quarter corner of Section 11, Township 26 South, Range 26 West, 
thence south 2 miles to the south quarter corner of Section 14, Township 26 
South, Range 26 West, thence east 2 miles to the south quarter corner of 
Section 18, Township 26 South, Range 25 West, thence north 2 miles to the 
north quarter of Section 7, Township 26 South, Range 25 West, thence west 
2 miles to the point of beginning. 

The principal construction job consisted of building a canton- 
ment, airdrome, roads, and facilities. The arrangement was stand- 
ard rectangular, with building exteriors consisting of wood sheeting 
covered with 15-pound felt and asbestos-siding shingles. Housing 
was prepared for close to 4,000 men, while the hospital had a ca- 
pacity of 177 beds. Warehousing was built to provide 71,186 
square feet of space, and the airdrome could accommodate 165 
aircraft. Four runways (150 feet wide and 6,500 feet in length) 
were constructed, while six 75-foot taxiways connected the parking 
apron (600 x 5,300 feet) with the runway system. 

Work on the main construction job, begun on 5 August 1942, was 
completed by 31 December. Three or four days prior to com- 
pletion of the main job, work was begun on the second most im- 
portant project (principally concerned with completion of the 
runway system), which was finished by 31 March 1943. Total 
construction expenditures (as of 1 March 1944) were $7,409,551, 
thus exceeding the original total allocation by $347,370. 

The first soldiers assigned to the base consisted of a detachment of 
27 enlisted men of the Quartermaster Corps, under Capt. J. M. 
Cooper, who arrived on 1 November 1942. Somewhat over a 
month later, on 11 December, the base was formally activated with 


the official designation "Army Air Forces Advanced Flying School, 
Dodge City, Kansas." As a result of a change of mission for the 
base, it was redesignated, 27 May 1943, "Army Air Forces Pilot 
School (Specialized 2-Engine), Dodge City Army Air Field, Dodge 
City, Kansas." Lt. Col. Charles B. Root assumed command on 
11 December 1942 and served as commanding officer until 17 
February 1943, when he was succeeded by Col. Charles B. Oldfield. 
Colonel Oldfield remained commanding officer until 27 January 
1944, when Colonel Root reassumed command. After official activa- 
tion of the base there was a rapid build-up of personnel strength, so 
much so that the local paper could observe on 2 February 1943: 
"Enlisted men are pouring into the new field by the hundreds." 

Training at the base was under the immediate supervision of the 
director of training. The training function was broken up under the 
director into flying training under a director of flying, and ground 
school instruction under a director of technical training. The first 
planes to be used for instruction, a dozen B-26's, were delivered to 
Dodge City Army Air Field on 26 April 1943. On the same day, 
the first group of officer students, 36 in all, reported for B-26 transi- 
tion training. No time was lost, for on 28 April the first training 
flights began. In addition to the regular category of officer students 
in training, several of the classes included French nationals, as 
well as contingents of Women's Air Force Service Pilots (WASP's). 
The women pilots compared favorably with the men in all phases 
of the training, which was the same for both sexes. During the 
active training period at the base, that is from 28 April 1943 to 
June 1945, an estimated 2,215 student officers, French nationals, 
and WASP's received B-26 transition training. 

The school made a genuine contribution to the war effort in its 
training program. The B-26 "Marauder" was looked on askance by 
Air Force personnel and by the general public as a dangerous and 
unstable aircraft. It was the task of the school, while teaching 
proficiency in operation of the aircraft, to break through the nega- 
tive "mystique" which had been built up around the B-26, and to 
instill in the students a confidence in the aircraft as an efficient 
fighting instrument. This was achieved to a remarkable degree, 
with earned recognition coming from Maj. Gen. G. C. Brant of the 
Central Flying Training Command in the form of a letter to 
Colonel Root: 

It is noted that the B-26 has finally come into its own and is recognized 
by the public at large as being a most valuable implement of effective war- 


fare against our enemy. In my mind, it is a much belated acknowledgment 
that is made possible only by the thousands of successful hours which you, 
your staff and your mechanics have been able to secure on this airplane at 
an operational rate which compares favorably with all other aircraft of our 
Command. It is my pleasure therefore to express to you and the members 
of your field my pleasure and satisfaction at seeing your successful efforts 
recognized by your fellow countrymen and I wish to add my personal con- 
gratulations to each of you on the spirit and enterprise which brought about 
this transformed thinking on the part of the American public. You and your 
men undertook this task when everyone said it could not be done and in so 
doing, you brought credit to yourself and the service. 

The relations between the base and Dodge City were uniformly 
good. The limited size of the town created problems of housing for 
married officers and enlisted men, but this was the universal and 
normal wartime condition. The people of Dodge City showed 
themselves most co-operative in welcoming a large number of troops 
into their community. For example, during February 1943, various 
civic organizations co-operated in furnishing day rooms for the 
squadrons on the base. In March, the local Rotary, Kiwanis, and 
Lions Clubs presented a minstrel show which netted about $1,200 
to aid in furnishing the day rooms. Friendly co-operation was by 
no means a one-way street. During the Boot Hill Fair and Rodeo 
in September 1943, the Technical Training Department exhibited 
various types of equipment and instructional aids in a booth on 
the fair grounds. Outstanding for its co-operation was the Dodge 
City Daily Globe, which was consistently generous with publicity 

As the war in Europe ground to a halt the need for B-26 transition 
training was sharply curtailed. Consequently, all training activities 
ceased with the class which graduated on 28 June 1945. Two days 
later the official inactivation announcement was made, whereupon 
the officer in charge began the inactivation process. By 9 July all 
property had been turned in. Inactivation was officially completed 
on 12 July 1945 and all personnel had been transferred as of that 
date. Whereupon, Dodge City Army Air Field was placed on the 
inactive list. 


PRIOR to World War II Fairfax Field, located about three miles 
* north of the center of Kansas City, Kan., was a municipal air- 
port, apparently without military installations. It acquired import- 
ance to the Air Corps as the site of a factory set up on the edge of 


the field by the North American Aviation Company to manufacture 
the B-25, Mitchell, medium bomber. A modification center for 
B-25's was established there later. Production began at the factory 
in December 1941, and planes began moving through the modifica- 
tion center in May 1942. Primarily for the testing and flying of these 
planes the four rather short runways at Fairfax were expanded to 
150 feet in width and respectively to 6,500, 6,100, 5,800, and 4,500 
feet in length, all of stout concrete, and 185,000 square yards of 
parking apron was laid out. 

At first pilots were brought in from elsewhere to fly out the B-25's, 
but, as production increased, the Ferrying Division of Air Transport 
Command concluded that it should have a unit at Fairfax to do the 
job. Accordingly, on 15 April 1943 the Second Ferrying Squadron 
of the 5th Ferrying Group was moved from Love Field at Dallas, 
Tex., to Fairfax. The squadron set promptly to work and ferried 
out 157 B-25's during May. 

Maj. William J. Fry was squadron commander from before the 
move until 12 October 1943 when he was succeeded by Maj. Harry 
E. Watson. To expedite its administration the squadron was made 
independent of the 5th Group on 1 January 1944, and on 1 April, in 
recognition of its growing size and importance, it became the 33d 
Ferrying Group. Major Watson continued as commander until 4 
September 1944 when he gave way to Maj. Charles E. Hanst, an 
Air Service pilot in World War I, and a past president of the Ameri- 
can Association of Airline Executives. A detachment of Women's 
Air Force Service Pilots (WASP's) was organized at Fairfax on 1 
May 1944 to assist in the ferrying and did excellent service before 
being disbanded in September. Its head, Miss Helen Richie, held 
the woman's record for endurance flying, was the only woman to 
have served as co-pilot on a commercial airline, and had been in 
charge of a detachment of American women transport pilots in Eng- 

The 33d Group continued to grow until at the end of 1944 it had 
393 officers and 578 enlisted men. However, early in 1945 North 
American reduced its B-25 output, so the Ferrying Division in an 
effort to consolidate its activities arranged to close out Fairfax as a 
ferrying base and have pilots from Rosecrans Field at St. Joseph, 
Mo., do what ferrying still had to be done at Kansas City. The 33d 
Group was discontinued, and on 15 April 1945 Fairfax, losing its 
status as a base, became merely an operating location of Rosecrans. 

While based at Fairfax the 33d Group delivered 6,202 aircraft to 
destinations within the United States and 251 abroad. Of 1,881 


deliveries in 1943 by the Ground Ferrying Squadron all but 129 
were B-25's, but at the end of that year pilots from Fairfax began 
ferrying B-26's from a modification center at Omaha and B-24's from 
a center at St. Paul. Thereafter activities expanded until early in 
1945 the 33d Group controlled ten operating locations and was flying 
a wide variety of planes, including as many as 60 B-29's a month. 
Capt. Robert V. Barlow of the group was given the Air Medal in 
November 1944 for piloting the first P-38 flight over ATC's South 
Pacific route. Another remarkable flight or pair of flights was Capt. 
Robert P. Pendleton's delivery of a B-29 to Twentieth Air Force in 
the Marianas Islands and return of a war-weary B-29 to the United 
States within a period of 140 hours in December 1944. On 9 Novem- 
ber 1944 the 33d Group furnished plane and crew to fly Sen. Harry 
S. Truman from Fairfax to Washington for ceremonies following his 
election as Vice-President. 

On 22 September 1944 the 33d Group began daily scheduled 
Military Air Transport flights to Minneapolis and Omaha to move 
military cargo and passengers. These flights proved so useful that 
two more were soon added. When the ferrying group at Fairfax 
was eliminated the Ferrying Division contemplated making that 
airfield the mid-continental focus of its MAT operations. With this 
in mind it moved to Fairfax on 2 March 1945 to an air freight ter- 
minal which had previously been in Kansas City, Mo. In June 
Fairfax with 362 personnel, commanded by Maj. Alfred Oberg, was 
much the largest operating location in the division. During July, 
1,044 military transports used the field. Among the passengers 
who landed there that summer was President Truman, who was 
en route to his home in Independence, Mo. However, in August 
plans to concentrate operations at Fairfax were shelved, and by 
November Topeka had been chosen instead. As of 6 December 
1945 the operating location at Fairfax was discontinued. Moved 
from there to Topeka were personnel and equipment including nine 
C-47's and 80 pilots and co-pilots. Henceforth the regular and 
special MAT flights which had been used Fairfax would take off 
or land at Topeka. 

Between February and October 1943 two technical training de- 
tachments operated at Fairfax. One, activated on 4 February and 
designated on 5 October as the 76th AAF Technical Training De- 
tachment, administered a six-weeks' course to train AAF mechanics 
under the direction of the Aircraft Accessories Corporation in the 
repair and maintenance of hydraulic systems. About 300 students 
were admitted before the school was prematurely closed in Oc- 


tober. It had done a good job but had duplicated a course given at 
Chanute and, perhaps for that reason, classes had been too small to 
pay the contractor or justify the use of skilled men as instructors. 
The other training unit, activated on 22 February and designated, 
effective 30 August, as the 81st AAF Technical Training Detach- 
ment, was treated to supervise apprentice crew chiefs at the North 
American B-25 Modification Center. An AAF policy adopted in 
January provided that mechanics selected to be crew chiefs be each 
assigned an aircraft as it left the factory, follow it through the modi- 
fication center to see what was done to it, then go with it to be its 
crew chief in an operating unit. For a couple of months after the 
program began modification of B-25's took only a week, and the 
future crew chiefs did little but stand and watch. Then on intro- 
duction of the B-25G, modification time lengthened to two or three 
months. The detachment used the additional time for refresher 
training in mechanics and instruction in the duties of crew chiefs. 
It also tactfully won permission for the men to participate in air- 
craft maintenance and even in some modification and to gain flying 
experience by going on test hops. Peak enrollment came on 27 
June when 296 mechanics were present. Abandonment of the ap- 
prenticeship program led to inactivation of the detachment on 31 
October 1943. 

After December 1945 the Air Force used Fairfax almost ex- 
clusively for reserve training. The 4101st AAF Base Unit ( Res Tng) 
was activated there on 12 July 1946 to handle training responsibili- 
ties, and on 6 January 1947 a reserve unit, the 564th Bombardment 
Squadron, was activated there. This unit was vigorous enough to 
send 127 pilots to summer camp in 1948. In October that year 
Fairfax had 37 planes in which the reservists flew 1,844 hours. The 
4401st Unit was redesignated, effective 28 August 1948, as the 2472d 
AF Reserve Training Center. A general shift of the reserve pro- 
gram from combat to troop carrier units in 1949 caused the replace- 
ment of the 564th Bombardment Squadron at Fairfax by the 442d 
Troop Carrier Wing, which was activated there on 27 June. 

The reserve center at Fairfax was badly cramped for lack of space 
and facilities. This could have been remedied by taking all or part 
of the old modification center when a lease that Trans-World Air- 
lines had on it expired in 1950. However, public reaction to the idea 
of moving the TWA shops from Kansas City was so unfavorable 
that it was decided to move the reserve center instead. Thus on 
22 May 1950 the 2472d Center and the 442d Wing were moved to 
the Olathe Naval Air Station, about 25 miles from Kansas City. 



/ T\HE history of Forbes Air Force Base begins in the early days 
* of World War II, when work was started on an Army Air 
Field at Topeka. The installation was assigned to the Second Air 
Force in June and was accepted by the Army Air Forces on 
15 August 1942. When the first troops began arriving that month, 
housing facilities had not been completed; consequently, the per- 
sonnel were quartered temporarily in the Agriculture building at 
the Topeka Fair Grounds. But construction progressed rapidly, 
and by September 1942 Topeka Army Air Field was in use for 
heavy bombardment training. 

From 24 August 1942 until February 1943 the 333d Bombardment 
Group was stationed at Topeka to give heavy bombardment crews 
30 days of final training prior to their movement overseas. Those 
crews were trained in both B-17's and B-24's. In February 1943 
the 333d Bombardment Group was replaced by the 2d Heavy 
Bombardment Processing Headquarters. At that time the base 
came under the jurisdiction of the 21st Bombardment Wing, which 
established its headquarters at Topeka in June 1943. Instead of 
training, the main function of the base became that of processing 
and equipping heavy bombardment crews for shipment overseas 
and preparing B-17's and B-24's for combat. Early in 1945 the 
base began processing B-29's and B-29 crews, and by March 1945 
fighter pilots and tow target personnel also were being processed. 
Among the B-29 crews which passed through Topeka was one 
headed by Col. Paul W. Tibbets, Jr., who later piloted the B-29 
that dropped the first atomic bomb on Japan. 

In August 1945 command of the base shifted from the 21st 
Bombardment Wing to the 1st Staging Command. No change of 
personnel was involved, and the base continued to stage and 
process heavy bombardment crews and aircraft. By October 1945, 
however, emphasis was placed on shipping ground personnel over- 
seas, and approximately 2,000 men were sent to the base to be 
staged for duty as overseas replacements. This project was com- 
pleted in February 1946 by the Air Transport Command (ATC), 
which assumed jurisdiction of the base on 28 November 1945. 

The Air Transport Command used the field at Topeka in perform- 
ing its regular missions of transporting cargo and personnel. Later 


the base housed an operational training unit for pilots newly as- 
signed to the command. In December 1945 the base became the 
only mid-continent stop for ATC's "Statesman," a daily trans- 
continental flight carrying key military and diplomatic travelers 
between Washington, D. C., and Hamilton Field, California. Dur- 
ing December the base also became a stop for the "Globester," 
which provided daily shuttle service between Washington, D. C., 
and San Francisco. And in May 1946 the base took over operation 
of the daily "Alamo" flight between San Antonio, Tex., and Wash- 
ington, D. C. Thus the field at Topeka became a major air 

At various times the field acquired additional functions and 
projects. In January 1946, for example, it became a refueling point 
for jet aircraft. The following June ferrying operations were added 
to its mission. The base figured largely in a program of ferrying 
1,300 aircraft to 40 fields in the United States and in a project for 
delivering 2,600 planes to reserve units throughout the country. 
In addition, pilots from Topeka and four other stations ferried 
surplus training planes and combat fighters from depots in the 
United States to various countries in South America. To add to 
the ever-increasing activity at Topeka, the Northwestern Sector, 
which supervised and coordinated ATC's operations at 14 stations, 
established its headquarters at the base in August 1946. 

Because of a cut in Congressional appropriations, a drastic cur- 
tailment of activities at the base went into effect after 1 October 
1946. Both military and civilian strength were greatly reduced. 
The field still served as an air terminal and as an operating base 
of the Air Transport Command, but the majority of the transport 
crews were transferred to other stations and several flights were 
discontinued. Only two nights were scheduled to come into the 
base daily. The "Statesman" flight was cut to every other day. 
The base, however, was involved in a number of special projects. 
During October 1946 the Air Transport Command began trans- 
ferring excess C-54's to Topeka Army Air Field to be placed in 
storage. One month later the base was designated a separation 
center for officers and enlisted men. In November 1946 air re- 
serve training was started at the base, but that activity was dis- 
continued in March 1947. During December 1946 the base par- 
ticipated in "Operation Santa Glaus," a project in which hundreds 
of amputees and litter cases were evacuated from Army hospitals 


to their homes for Christmas. From December 1946 to February 
1947 the base trained 26 members of the Portuguese Air Force in 
air-sea rescue operations in B-17's and C-54's. 

Removal of the Northwestern Sector Headquarters during 
March 1947 left the base with no regular mission other than servic- 
ing transient aircraft and maintaining the surplus aircraft in storage 
on the field. Those activities continued until the base was in- 
activated on 31 October 1947. 

Topeka Army Air Field was reactivated on 1 July 1948 as an 
installation of the Strategic Air Command. It housed the 311th 
Air Division, Reconnaissance and the 55th Strategic Reconnaissance 
Wing until 14 October 1949, when the base was inactivated again. 
During that time it had been redesignated Forbes Air Force Base in 
honor of Maj. Daniel H. Forbes, Jr., a native of the Topeka area, 
who was killed while testing the XB-49 "Flying Wing." l 

On 1 February 1951, during the Korean conflict, Forbes Air Force 
Base was reopened and assigned to the Strategic Air Command. 
The 21st Air Division was activated there on 16 February 1951, and 
the Division's 90th Bombardment Wing moved to the base during 
February and March 1951. 

Forbes developed into a highly important training station as the 
90th Wing trained newly activated units, the 376th, 308th, and 
310th Bombardment Wings, of the Strategic Air Command. From 
June 1951 to August 1953 the 90th Wing also trained B-29 replace- 
ment crews for combat. About ten crews were trained each month 
until August 1952, when the bombardment wing training program 
was discontinued and the number of crews was increased to twenty 
per month. 

On 16 June 1952 the 90th Bombardment Wing was redesignated 
90th Strategic Reconnaissance Wing, Medium, and in November 
the wing commenced training reconnaissance crews as replacements 
for the Far East Air Forces. 

The 90th Wing terminated its training mission in August 1953, 
but prior to that date it had begun to develop its own capability for 
reconnaissance operations. During the remainder of 1953 the 
Wing trained its crews in refueling operations required for strategic 
reconnaissance. The 55th Strategic Reconnaissance Wing, which 

1. Maf. Daniel H. Forbes, Jr., was killed June 5, 1948, near Muroc, Calif., on the 
seventh anniversary of his entry into service. He was not yet 28 years old. His career 
included service with Elliott Roosevelt's photographic squadron in Tunisia, Algiers, India, 
and Egypt during World War II. He also took the first U. S. aerial reconnaissance 
photos of Japan. After the war he was assistant operations officer at the Bikini atomic 
bomb tests and his films of those tests were the first to be shown to officials at Washington. 
Topeka Daily Capital, June 6, 1948; Topeka State Journal, June 10, July 13, 1949. 

Processing at Pratt Army Air Base. 

Operations tower, Smoky Hill Army Air Force Base, Salina. 
Official photo U. S. Army Air Forces. 


Upper: Part of the 8,000-foot ramp as seen from the west. This photograph 
was taken on January 1, 1945 7 when all aircraft were either on flight or in 

the hangars. 

Cenfer: Bomb Group area. May 28, 1943. 
Lower: Crash station on the air field. 
Official photos U. S. Army Air Corps. 

Armory, Smoky Hill Army Air Force Base, Salina. 
Courfesy Norbert Skelley. 

Radio training, Pratt Army Air Base. 


had moved to Forbes in October 1952, continued its program of 
photography, photomapping, and electronic reconnaissance. 

During February 1954 action was taken to procure an additional 
528 acres of land for Forbes. At the same time the United States 
Congress approved the construction of a 12,000 foot runway to 
accommodate RB-47's. The 90th Wing began converting to RB-47's 
in March 1954 and the 55th Wing in June 1954. Thereafter, both 
Wings trained at Forbes to attain combat readiness in RB-47's. 
After the Wings were declared combat ready they began temporary 
duty tours at overseas stations, but they returned to Forbes and 
continued training in order to maintain their effectiveness as com- 
bat units. 


THE Garden City Chamber of Commerce, under the leadership 
of Ben Grimsley, did most effective work in getting an air field 
established in this area. At first all energies were concentrated on 
acquiring one of the British training fields which were to be estab- 
lished in the United States during 1941-1942. R. H. Rhoads, Kansas 
Industrial Development Commission representative in Washington, 
having obtained the RAF requirements, which included a large 
bombing range, began to push western Kansas as a logical area. In 
June 1941, Grimsley sent an elaborate booklet to Rhoads, setting 
forth the advantages of locating a flying school in Finney county, 
buttressed by photographs of the area, and containing information 
on water and natural gas resources, and weather conditions. 

Perhaps the major obstacle to locating a training base in Kansas 
was the decision of the AAF Gulf Coast Training Center not to lo- 
cate primary or basic training bases north of the Kansas-Oklahoma 
border because of poor flying weather compared to Oklahoma and 
Texas. To combat this decision, the Kansas delegation prepared 
detailed weather statistics which showed that the south portion of 
Kansas has as many clear and partly cloudy days as San Antonio, 
Tex. Over a period of 18 months a great amount of data was filed 
with the War Department. The cumulative effect of this informa- 
tion, plus the later government surveys which were largely in agree- 
ment, was in large part responsible for a reversal by the War De- 
partment of the decision of the Gulf Coast Training Command. 

The first knowledge of a firm intention to construct a base in the 
Garden City area came to the local civic leaders by telegram, 8 April 



1942, from Washington announcing the imminent arrival of a board 
of officers to choose a site for the base. Three days later the board 
of officers arrived and, under the guidance of the aviation committee 
of the Garden City Chamber of Commerce, a site was chosen 12/2 
miles east of Garden City on US Highway 50 South. On 16 June 
1942 surveying crews began work at the site outlining runways 
and staking buildings. 

When the crews arrived, the area of the projected base was a ripe 
wheat field. Consequently, the first days were a sort of combined 
operation, which began by the farmers threshing a strip down the 
proposed runways to enable surveyors to start. Farming and survey- 
ing proceeded simultaneously. 

The construction program at Garden City was cut off before it 
really got under way by the orders of Headquarters, Army Air 
Forces, in June 1942, stopping work on nine of the 14 proposed 
British Operational Training Units. This change wiped out the en- 
tire western Kansas project of British bases, including Garden City, 
Dodge City, Pratt, and Liberal. From the middle of June until the 
latter part of July 1942 the Garden City officials did not know what 
kind of installation would be located in their community, if any at 
all. But by 27 July it was definitely understood that Garden City 
was to have a basic flying training school. 

By the middle of July the Division Engineers had received a set 
of plans for the construction of the new type of base. The engineers 
were forced to remove every stake that had been driven for the 
former project and start anew. Contracts were let for construction 
before all the new stakes had been set out. 

The Garden City Daily Telegram, of 6 August 1942, announced 
the start of actual construction the following day. It reported that 
holders of the contract for runways, roads and drainage will "begin 
clearing the site and start moving dirt. Wheat stubble which re- 
mained on the air base site east of Garden City after the crop was 
removed, will be burned to make way for grading operations/' 

The main base of the Garden City Army Air Field consisted of 
1,584.66 acres, lying in Sections 27, 28, 29, 33, and 34, Township 24 
South, Range 31 West, approximately 489 acres of which was re- 
served for the building area. The base was located on an irregular 
plot of high ground adjacent to the Arkansas river. The field ex- 
tended one and one-half miles north and south and one and eight- 
tenths miles east and west along US Highway 50 South in Finney 
county, about 11 miles southeast of Garden City and 42 miles 


southwest of Dodge City. The land was acquired by judgments 
of Declaration of Taking in the Kansas District Court of the United 
States, Second Division. 

Some 66 barracks, with a total capacity of 2,224 persons, were 
built for enlisted personnel, while 520 cadets could be accommo- 
dated in 26 barracks. Officers' quarters consisted of 17 buildings, 
with a total capacity of 272. Two buildings were provided for 
nurses' living quarters and mess hall. Total housing capacity for 
all personnel was 3,219. The base hospital was constructed with 
five wards, with 151 beds. 

Five runways were built, four with a dimension of 150 x 6500 feet, 
and one 150 x 4,960 feet, with a gross load capacity of 74,000 
pounds, wheel load of 37,000 pounds. Runways and apron (500 x 
4,750 feet) were constructed with a ten-inch gravel base placed in 
layers on a six-inch compacted earth subbase, and surfaced with 
one and one-half-inch asphalt cement; the service strip (80 feet 
wide) was a six-inch concrete slab, thickened to nine inches at the 
expansion and construction joints. Five taxiways, 50 feet wide, 
completed the runway system. Fronting on the field, three 
squadron hangars, 120 by 80 feet, were built. 

Four auxiliary fields were planned, but only three were con- 
structed. Runways on Auxiliary Field No. 1 were of concrete, 
while those of Nos. 2 and 4 were of the bituminous mat type. The 
runway area was the same on all three auxiliary fields 4,950 square 
feet. None of the auxiliary fields were completed when training 
began, and, as a result, the Garden City Municipal Airport served 
as an auxiliary field in the interim. 

Construction was officially completed on 25 May 1943 when the 
Project Completion Report was signed by the Area Engineer. As 
of 23 March 1943, funds apportioned for construction reached a 
total of $9,224,432.16. 

But long before actual completion of construction the base was 
in operation. The field was officially activated on 21 December 
1942, with Col. Jergan B. Olson assuming command at that time. 
Colonel Olson remained as commanding officer until succeeded on 
26 August 1944 by Col. John W. Egan, who retained command of 
the base and school until the inactivation of the latter. Official 
designation of the school at the time of activation was Army Air 
Forces Basic Flying School, Garden City Army Air Field. On 30 
April 1944, this school organization was replaced, without transfer 
of personnel, by the 2521st AAF Base Unit (Pilot School, Basic). 


The assigned mission of Garden City Army Air Field was pilot 
training for basic students. As originally planned, the first class 
was to arrive on 15 March 1943, but this schedule was moved up to 
15 January 1943. The class began training on 16 January. From 
then on the base was the scene of feverish and effective training 
activity. Until September 1943 BT-13 aircraft was used exclusively 
for flying training, but after that date twin-engine training was 
introduced. For a time during 1944 a few Women's Air Force Serv- 
ice Pilots ( WASP's ) were stationed at the field, serving as engineer- 
ing test flight pilots. 

The field did not go without official recognition of its contribution 
to the AAF training program, as witnessed by a letter, dated 9 Sep- 
tember 1943, from Brig. Gen. A. Hornsby, Commanding General 
of the 32d Flying Training Wing (Basic), Perrin Field, Texas, to 
Colonel Olson: 

The excellent appearance of your post, and the morale and loyalty of those 
under you as well as the training results achieved, reflect the superior manner 
in which you have exercised your command. It is a pleasure to write this 
commendation to you and make it a matter of record. 

Much in the same vein was the indorsement of the basic letter, 
dated 13 September 1943, from Headquarters, AAF Central Flying 
Training Command: 

The Commanding General, AAFCFTC, desires to add his personal commen- 
dation and appreciation for your superior performance of duty. This communi- 
cation has been made a part of your official record. It is further desired that 
this communication be called to the attention of all members of your command. 

The need for basic flying training schools having considerably 
lessened by the latter part of 1944, the basic flying school at Garden 
City Army Air Field was discontinued by Headquarters, Central 
Flying Training Command, effective 23 November 1944. Since 
training was somewhat ahead of schedule, 18 November became 
the final training date. Immediately thereafter both instructors 
and students were transferred. The upper class of cadets were 
transferred to advanced training, while students of the lower class 
were dispersed among other schools in order to complete the basic 

Garden City Army Air Field was transferred to the jurisdiction 
of the Oklahoma City Air Technical Service Command on 15 De- 
cember 1944 and placed on a standby status. On 27 February 1945 
authority was granted to place the base on an active status as a 
storage depot for strategic aircraft of Class I. The 4132d AAF Base 
Unit ( Air Base ) was organized on 16 December 1944 to man what 


was now an aircraft storage depot. The peak of the storage mission 
was reached by July 1945, when 1,456 aircraft were stored on the 
base. After July 1945 the primary mission was reversed that is, the 
major activity became the preparation of aircraft to be flown away 
from the base. By autumn of 1946 this phase of the mission was 
completed. On 29 October 1946, in anticipation of deactivation of 
Garden City Army Air Field, the base was declared excess to the 
Army Air Force, and on 15 March 1947, the 4132d AAF Base Unit 
was discontinued. The physical plant was officially transferred to 
the jurisdiction of the Corps of Engineers on 18 May 1947. 


'TVHE first public announcement of intentions to build an airfield 
* at Great Bend, on the Arkansas river in Barton county, came in 
the form of a telegram from Sen. Arthur Capper of Kansas to the 
secretary of the Great Bend Chamber of Commerce on 30 Sep- 
tember 1942. But, of course, by then all the preliminary work had 
been done. In July of that year the site at Great Bend had been 
chosen. Nor was all the initiative left to the Army. A committee 
of leading citizens from Great Bend and Hoisington had made the 
original proposal. Originally, plans called for the Civil Aeronautics 
Administration to supply the funds, and, with war's end, Barton 
county and Great Bend would acquire ownership. However, this 
tentative arrangement was subsequently changed so that the field 
was built under the auspices of the Air Force. 

Originally intended to serve merely as a satellite base of Smoky 
Hill Army Air Field at Salina, the physical plant at Great Bend 
was initially decidedly limited in its functional utility and in size. 
Most of the construction work was done by Patti-McDonald Con- 
struction Company of Kansas City, but the concrete work on run- 
ways and taxiways was undertaken by the W. L. Johnson Construc- 
tion Company. Essentials were completed first. These were fol- 
lowed in time by facilities for recreation and services. During the 
summer and fall of 1943 a service club, theater, and bowling alley 
were completed. 

Capt. Theodore C. Reid, post engineer, was the first officer to 
report for duty on the base. He arrived on 18 January 1943. The 
first enlisted men to arrive, detachments of the 501st Base Head- 
quarters and Air Base Squadron, the 1159th Guard Squadron, and 
the 902d Quartermaster Company, were necessarily housed in 


Great Bend for a time, there being no facilities on the base. On 
13 February 1943 the 501st was transferred to Great Bend to be- 
come the headquarters squadron of the new field. Capping the 
inchoate organizational structure, Lt. Col. Glenn M. Pike assumed 
command of the field on 26 February. The first recorded Morn- 
ing Report, dated 5 March 1943, lists 13 officers and 182 enlisted 
men. From these modest beginnings, which was, of course, a 
skeleton force even for the limited role the field was originally de- 
signed to play, Great Bend was to grow impressively, both as to 
mission and physical plant. By 31 January 1945 a total of 6,409 
personnel would be stationed there. 

In keeping with its scheduled function of processing heavy bom- 
bardment groups, Great Bend Army Air Field was assigned to the 
21st Bombardment Wing on 16 January 1943. It was the function 
of the 21st to operate processing bases, but, besides processing it 
did some training also. For instance, it provided certain types of 
navigational flights in those instances in which these had not been 
accomplished in third-phase training of the group. In addition, 
the wing provided training in "Prisoner of War Behavior and Es- 

As early as March 1943 it was known that the Second Air Force 
was to be charged with the responsibility of training personnel for 
the new B-29 very heavy bomber. And the first tangible step 
toward executing this mission was the activation of the 58th Bom- 
bardment Operational Training Wing at Smoky Hill Army Air Field 
at Salina, on 1 May 1943. But before much in the way of imple- 
mentation could be done, the 58th was withdrawn from Second 
Air Force jurisdiction on 8 June 1943. 

Knowing this delay to be purely a temporary one, on 1 July 1943 
Second Air Force chose as the instrument to achieve this objective 
the 5th Heavy Bombardment Processing Unit, stationed at Salina. 
Since Great Bend Army Air Field had been designated as one of 
the bases to participate in the B-29 program, it was transferred to 
the 5th Heavy Bombardment Processing Unit on the same day. 

If Great Bend was to assume a different and greatly enlarged 
mission, physical expansion of necessity became the order of the 
day. Original plans were altered, providing for considerable ad- 
ditions to the runway and taxiway systems. Additional troop hous- 
ing was built, and new hangars were constructed especially de- 
signed to accommodate the B-29. 

To bring its nomenclature more into harmony with its function, 


the 5th Heavy Bombardment Processing Unit was redesignated the 
73d Bombardment Operational Training Wing on 17 August 1943. 
But the new organization endured for scarcely four months before 
it was disbanded on 22 October 1943, subsequent to the reassign- 
ment of the 58th Bombardment Operational Training Wing to the 
Second Air Force on 15 October. Both the personnel and the sev- 
eral bases of the 73d, among which figured Great Bend Army Air 
Field, were relinquished to the 58th. 

Fortunately, despite the somewhat impermanent organizational 
picture at higher levels, the B-29 training program did get under 
way at the bases which were assigned the task. Great Bend re- 
ceived the 444th Bombardment Group (VH) and by April 1944, 
its training completed, the 444th departed for overseas service. 
During the remainder of its career, Great Bend was destined to 
train three more very heavy bombardment groups, the 498th, the 
19th, and the 333d, and in addition, it retrained the ground echelon 
of the 489th back from Europe for redeployment to the Pacific. The 
extreme dearth of B-29 aircraft, however, hampered the training 
efforts for some time. Consequently, for several months the group 
in training at Great Bend perforce used B-17's and B-26's for the 
most part, with a sprinkling of B-29's to leaven the loaf. 

Great Bend Army Air Field was fortunate in the calibre of co- 
operation received from surrounding communities. The neighbor- 
ing municipalities, such as Great Bend and Hoisington, were par- 
ticularly active in promoting recreational opportunities for the 

On 25 March 1944 the units permanently assigned to Great Bend 
Army Air Field were reorganized in the 243d AAF Base Unit (OTU) 
(VH). Thereafter, Great Bend was organized under the standard 
plan for OTU (Operational Training Unit) bases. This plan con- 
sisted of three major sections: administrative and services section, 
supply and maintenance section, and the training section. In addi- 
tion, the air inspector and the hospital were referred to as sections. 
The office of the director of training was set up in April 1944, with 
the responsibility of providing flying and ground school training to 
all flying personnel of the very heavy bombardment groups suc- 
cessively stationed at Great Bend. In addition, the directorate was 
charged with the training of ground crew personnel. However, 
since the new directorate was not prepared immediately to take up 
its burden, the group in training at that time, the 498th, continued 
to train itself as the 444th had done before it. Consequently, it was 


only with the 19th Bombardment Group (VH), which began train- 
ing in September 1944, that the training directorate took over the 
training responsibilities. Thereafter, the tactical units stationed at 
Great Bend were trained by the base directorate of training, al- 
though they maintained their individual organizations and operated 
independently of the base unit insofar as administration was 

It came to be common procedure for the maintenance echelon of 
a group to move to Great Bend while another group was being 
trained there. This was done in order that these men could receive 
"on-the-job" training which would enable them to maintain the 
aircraft of their own group when it arrived. For instance, an ad- 
vanced detachment of the 19th Bombardment Group (VH) were 
given jobs alongside the men of the 498th. 

Beginning with the winter of 1945, part of the flying training was 
conducted at Borinquen Army Air Field, Puerto Rico. The primary 
purpose of this program, termed the "Gypsy Task Force," was to 
take advantage of the good flying weather in Puerto Rico during 
the winter months, enabling the crews to complete their training 
much quicker than would otherwise have been the case. With this 
phase of training over, the crews would return to Great Bend to 
prepare for departure to a staging area. The program was discon- 
tinued in April 1945, after only one season. 

If the operations of the base were not crippled, they were cer- 
tainly impeded by the critical manpower shortage resulting pri- 
marily from heavy transfers to the Army Ground Forces during the 
autumn and winter of 1944-1945. 2 By 31 January 1945, Great Bend 
had furnished the Army Ground Forces with 244 enlisted men. The 
reciprocal arrangement with the Ground Forces did not solve the 
problem, since by 31 January 1945, the field had received only 90 en- 
listed men replacements from the Ground Forces. 

With the arrival of the ground echelon of the 489th Bombardment 
Group in February 1945 from the European theater, Great Bend 
became one of the first redeployment installations in the country. 
At that time the 333d Bombardment Group (VH) was receiving 
its regular training, but the ground echelon of the 489th was trained 
on B-29 maintenance alongside the men of the 333d. After a 
relatively short transition course in the B-29 (they were already 
experienced maintenance men) the 489th left in March to join the 

2. These transfers were occasioned by the all out Allied ground push in Europe in 
which the Battle of the Bulge was a factor. Obviously, the transfers were part of an 
attempt to get every immediately available man on the line. 


air echelon of the group, which had received transition training at 
several different bases. 

Victory over Japan had a direct effect on the mission and activity 
of the base. The 333d Bombardment Group (VH), having com- 
pleted its training, left Great Bend during July and August 1945. 
No other groups were assigned for a full schedule of training, but 
the 44th Bombardment Group (VH) and the 405th Service Group 
used Great Bend as an assembly point. Indeed, in this period the 
primary mission of the base became that of discharging qualified 
men or rather of transferring them to separation centers. 

On 25 October 1945 the base was officially informed by Second 
Air Force that the installation would be put on a standby basis on 
31 December 1945. Following this announcement, activities on the 
base ( except that of shipping men to separation centers ) slowed up 
considerably. During December the 44th Bombardment Group 
(VH) and the 405th Air Service Group were transferred to Salina. 
Second Air Force had placed Great Bend in the category of those 
fields whose retention was desirable for standby, with a possibility 
of being reopened on 30 days' notice. Consequently, one of the 
principal activities of December consisted of inactivating buildings. 

Sources are lacking by which to trace the subsequent steps lead- 
ing to complete inactivation and transfer to the District Engineers. 
As late as March 1946 Great Bend was still in the category of 
temporarily inactive or standby under the Second Air Force. How- 
ever, the field was never subsequently activated. For a short time, 
during 1950 (and possibly 1949), the field was host to an Air Force 
reserve unit. However, by March 1951 no unit was stationed there, 
nor has the Air Force made use of the field since. 


TTERINGTON Army Air Field was located eight miles from Her- 
n ington, on a 1,700-acre tract of land which had been purchased 
by the United States government. It was planned as a satellite of 
Topeka Army Air Field, a Second Air Force installation which was 
situated some 70 miles to the northeast and which served as the 
headquarters for the 21st Bombardment Wing. Construction of 
Herington Army Air Field, accomplished by contract under super- 
vision of the Air Service Command, commenced in September 1942, 
and continued over a period of 14 months. On 1 November 1942, 
however, Maj. Harold Painter, who was slated to become the first 
commanding officer, arrived to take over the field. 


Construction work of a general nature relative to the site chosen 
for the army air field near Herington, included a water storage and 
distribution system; a sewage collection and disposal plant; an 
electric distribution system; two gasoline storage and distribution 
systems; 128,000 square yards of paved roads and streets; 14,000 
square yards of paved walks; and a swimming pool. 

The remaining major installations and structures at Herington 
Army Air Field may be listed conveniently under the following 
headings: airfield; temporary cantonment type buildings; temporary 
theater of operations type buildings; and auxiliaries. 

a) 3 concrete runways, 6,884, 6,793, and 6,780 feet long and 
each 150 feet wide. 

b) 4 taxiways, 4,431, 5,919, 1,208, and 425 feet long and each 
100 feet wide. 

c) 3 small hangars. 

d) control tower. 

e) 1 concrete apron 3,384 feet long and 400 feet wide, with 
access aprons to the hangars. 

f) 4 hardstandings, three 100 feet in diameter and the other 
one 50 feet. 

Temporary Cantonment Type Buildings. 

a) 1 mess hall. 

b) 15 storage houses. 

c) 4 administration buildings. 

d) 3 quarters. 

e) 1 barracks. 

f ) 9 technical maintenance shops. 

g) 7 hospital buildings. 

h) 19 miscellaneous structures. 
Temporary Theater of Operations Type Buildings. 

a ) 6 mess halls. 

b) 45 storage houses. 

c) 25 administration buildings. 

d ) 17 quarters. 

e) 56 barracks and dormitories. 

f ) 8 technical maintenance shops. 

g) 97 miscellaneous structures. 

Auxiliaries ( off base ) . 

a) gasoline and oil storage area. 

b ) radio homing station. 

c) rifle and pistol range. 

d) asphalt storage area. 

On 26 January 1943 Major Painter formally assumed command of 
Herington Army Air Field and appointed an adjutant, a provost 
marshal, a post engineer, a quartermaster, and a medical officer. 


On the same day also the following units were activated: the 503d 
Base Headquarters and Air Base Squadron; the 1161st Guard 
Squadron; and the 399th Army Air Forces Band. In the ensuing 
weeks a Base Signal Office was created, a Base Operations Section 
organized, a Finance Department set up, and a Base Chemical 
Service inaugurated. Commencing with only one officer on 1 No- 
vember 1942, the number of military personnel on the field grew 
to 12 officers and 145 enlisted men by 1 March 1943 and to 103 
officers and 1,768 enlisted men at the end of the following June. 
The first contingent of WAC's, consisting of one officer and ten 
enlisted women, arrived one year later. The peak in the strength 
of the permanent party military personnel was reached in August 
1944, with totals of 113 officers and 2,123 enlisted men and women. 
Major Painter served as commanding officer of the field until 6 No- 
vember 1943 when he was succeeded by Lt. Col. Charles B. Stead. 

The 21st Bombardment Wing was charged with the responsibility 
of the final processing of heavy bombardment crews and equipment 
just prior to their leaving for overseas assignments. To carry out 
that program the wing utilized Topeka Army Air Field, and three 
satellite fields (Herington, Bruning, and Fairmont) in Kansas and 
Nebraska. This processing of heavy bombardment crews and equip- 
ment, sometimes called staging and also preparation for overseas 
movements, proved to be the principal function of Herington Army 
Air Field. A preliminary step leading to the development of the 
program there was the assignment on 25 January 1943 of the 47th, 
the 48th, the 49th, and the 50th Airdrome Squadrons. On 17 Feb- 
ruary following the 6th Heavy Bombardment Processing Head- 
quarters was activated at Herington. The dominant role played by 
the processing function is indicated by the fact that in January 1944 
the commanding officer of the 6th Heavy Bombardment Processing 
Headquarters, in the person of Lt. Col. Henry Dittman, assumed 
command over the entire field. That move in effect consolidated 
three units which existed there: the Processing Headquarters itself; 
the 503d Base Headquarters and Air Base Squadron; and the 406th 
Sub-Depot, jurisdiction over which the Second Air Force but re- 
cently had taken over from the Air Service Command. Two months 
later, incidentally, the whole was organized as the 274th Army Air 
Forces Base Unit. 

The first combat crews and aircraft arrived at Herington for 
processing during the latter part of June 1943; and the program im- 
mediately got under way. Spread out over a period of approxi- 
mately five days, the schedule involved the performance of the 


following functions on all such crews and aircraft which were 
temporarily assigned to the field: 1) auditing and processing of 
personnel records, orders, and allied papers of each person, and 
bringing payments up to date; 2) a physical fitness examination; 
3) a clothing and equipment inspection; 4) the issue of certain 
critical items of equipment; 5) the assignment of the final type air- 
craft, and the conduct of specified vital inspection tests thereon; 
6) a prisoner of war lecture; 7) communications instructions; 8) the 
assignment of crews and aircraft to scheduled overseas projects; 
9) briefings on routes to be traveled; and, finally, 10) arranging the 
schedule for departure to the port of embarkation. 

For the first 11 months of the active program Herington was pri- 
marily a B-24 staging field, with a few B-17 crews and aircraft being 
assigned there for processing. During the months of June, July, and 
August 1944, however, it was converted into a B-29 staging field. 
That meant, of course, the processing of very heavy bombardment 
crews and aircraft just prior to their departure for overseas assign- 
ments. Personnel who were routed to Herington for processing, 
incidentally, included such well-known officers as Maj. Gen. Curtis 
LeMay of the XX Bomber Command; Brig. Gen. Emmett O'Donnell 
of the 73d Bombardment Wing; and Brig. Gen. Roger M. Handy of 
the XXI Bomber Command. 

By working around the clock during rush periods the 274th AAF 
Base Unit at Herington was able to process an average of nine 
combat crews a day. Normally, however, the rate of processing was 
much more moderate. Figures for the year ending 30 June 1944 
may be regarded as typical. They reveal that during that interval an 
average of just over 86 crews and 76 aircraft were processed each 
month. With some slight diminution this rate was maintained until 
the end of World War II. On the whole most of the crews involved 
left Herington with their own aircraft. Some of the others traveled 
by train to the ports of embarkation. The remainder, along with 
some few aircraft, were transported to ports of embarkation by the 
Air Transport Command. 

In May 1945 the Continental Air Forces assumed jurisdiction over 
the Second Air Force. On 18 July following Herington Army Air 
Field and the entire 21st Bombardment Wing were placed under 
the direct supervision of Headquarters, Continental Air Forces. In 
September 1945 Herington became an installation of the I Staging 
Command, with the change in the name of the 21st Wing to that 
designation. Soon thereafter Headquarters I Staging Command 


was moved from Topeka Army Air Field to Merced Army Air Field 
in California. There was no further change in the status of Hering- 
ton, however, until its inactivation on 14 November 1945. 

Col. Henry Dittman remained as commanding officer of Herington 
Army Air Field from 25 January 1944 until after the close of the 
war. Lt. Col. Maurice Horgas was serving in that capacity at the 
time the field was inactivated. Thereafter jurisdiction over it 
formally passed from the Continental Air Forces to the Oklahoma 
City Air Service Technical Command. The installation then was 
placed on an inactive status, and a declaration of surplus was pre- 
pared. On 18 October 1946 the War Department listed the field 
as surplus to its needs. After disposal had been made of all remain- 
ing property and a final audit had been made, jurisdiction over 
Herington Army Air Field was transferred to the Division Engineers, 
Kansas City, Mo., on 19 March 1947. 

(To Be Concluded in the Autumn, 1959, Issue.) 

The Pike's Peak Gold Rush and the 
Smoky Hill Route, 1859-1860 


KANSAS territory, 1854-1861, extended from the western border 
of Missouri to the crest of the Rocky Mountains and included 
much of present-day eastern Colorado. When hordes of gold seek- 
ers participated in the Pike's Peak gold rush in 1859 and 1860, they 
not only passed through eastern Kansas territory in many instances, 
but they also did most of their prospecting in far western Kansas. 

Eastern Kansas towns seemed to be in an ideal position to bene- 
fit from the rush. Undoubtedly many people went overland 
through Iowa and Nebraska, but the easiest approach was to go 
up the Missouri river to one of the Kansas, Missouri, or Nebraska 
river towns. By the early part of 1859 those who could afford it 
were crossing Missouri via the Hannibal and St. Joseph railroad. 
Kansas City and St. Joseph in Missouri and Omaha in Nebraska 
were good outfitting points, but the Kansas river towns claimed 
certain advantages. Kansas City and St. Joseph were said to be on 
the wrong side of the river, and the Nebraska town was too far up 
and too small. 

Which route gold seekers might select was of much importance 
to river towns. Three main routes were used in 1859 and 1860. 
The southern followed the old Santa Fe trail for a large part of the 
way. Much of this traffic eventually started from Kansas City, Mo. 
None of the larger Kansas towns were on this trail. It attracted 
quite a few emigrants in 1859, not as many in 1860. The northern 
route followed the old Oregon trail in part, via the Platte river. 
Some extreme northeastern Kansas towns benefited, but few 
others. Atchison, Kan., and St. Joseph, Mo., were the chief start- 
ing points, with the latter gaining much of the trade. Several "cen- 
tral" routes supposedly existed, but by the early spring of 1859 the 
most popular was the Smoky Hill. This was by way of the Kansas 
river and its southern fork, the Smoky Hill, with Leavenworth as 
its principal starting point. 

Of all the routes, the Smoky Hill was the most direct. 1 As early 
as September, 1858, Kansas newspapers were printing statements to 

DR. CALVIN W. GOWER, Colorado born, recently received his Ph. D. from the University 
of Kansas, Lawrence. He is currently an instructor in history at St. Cloud State College, 
St. Cloud, Minn. 

1. See William Crane Johnston, Jr., "The Smoky Hill Trail" (master's thesis, Univer- 
sity of Denver, 1927). This work is incomplete, but it gives an outline of the history of 
the trail. The events covered in this article are not touched on to any great extent by 



this effect. One account asserted that the distance from Wyandotte 
by the Smoky might be only 500 miles. 2 Another newspaper esti- 
mated that the air line distance from Leavenworth was only 555 
miles and said there were settlements to within 250 miles of the 
mines. 3 

Citizens of Wyandotte held a meeting in September, 1858, to 
push it as an outfitting point. It was argued "that the true route 
is directly up the Kansas river and Smoky Hill fork." 4 The Law- 
rence Republican noted on October 7, 1858, that Leavenworth and 
Kansas City were in contention, with Leavenworth defending the 
Smoky and Kansas City the Santa Fe. The Republican claimed 
that the Smoky passed through settled areas farther. A letter to 
the Junction City Sentinel stated that a man who had returned 
by way of the Smoky said the distance was shorter, the roads better, 
the wood, water, and game plentiful, and the settlements farther 
out. 5 

Besides these newspaper stories, three guide books published 
early in 1859 stressed the advantages of the Smoky Hill route. The 
author of one said it was the shortest but cautioned that until it 
was definitely opened up emigrants should take one of the better 
established routes. But he stated, "A central route will be opened 
the coming season," undoubtedly the Smoky Hill route. 6 A second 
guide book recommended the Smoky, stating that it followed the 
banks of streams except for about 130 miles. It advised striking 
south to meet the Arkansas river in the extreme western portion of 
the route. 7 A third guide book supported the Smoky for the same 
reasons. 8 

Praise of the Smoky continued into 1859. The Leavenworth 
Weekly Times reported on February 12 that the Junction City 
Sentinel advised emigrants to travel via Leavenworth. This fact 
was significant, said the Times, because Junction City was in the 
western portion of the settled part of Kansas and had no interests 
to serve but the good of the emigrant. What it neglected to men- 
tion was that these travelers were also expected to pass through 

2. Leavenworth Ledger and Wyandotte Commercial Gazette, quoted in the Herald 
of Freedom, Lawrence, September 18, 1858, 

3. White Cloud Kansas Chief, September 23, 1858. 

4. Western Weekly Argus, Wyandotte, September 30, 1858. 

5. James S. Graham to the editor of the Sentinel, no date. Junction City Sentinel, 
quoted in the Lawrence Republican, October 7, 1858. 

6. O. B. Gunn, New Map and Hand-Book of Kansas <b- the Gold Mines . . . 
(Pittsburgh, 1859), pp. 40, 42. 

7. William B. Parsons, The New Gold Mines of Western Kansas . . . (Cincin- 
nati, 1859), pp. 40, 42. 

8. The Illustrated Miners' Hand-Book and Guide to Pike's Peak . . . (St. Louis, 
1859), p. 66. 


Junction City. In March a letter in the Times from William Lari- 
mer, a correspondent in Denver, stated that four men had recently 
arrived by way of the Smoky. He reported that they had been very 
well satisfied with the route. 9 One account noted that in 1843 John 
C. Fremont had explored the country between the Missouri river 
and the Rocky Mountains and in his narrative had recommended 
the Smoky route to the area. "Subsequent explorations have cor- 
roborated the view taken by the Great Explorer, and the bulk of 
the spring emigration will, undoubtedly, select this as their main 
road." 10 

In Lawrence the Republican printed a letter March 24, 1859, ad- 
vising emigrants to go directly up the Smoky Hill to its head and 
then west. 11 The Herald of Freedom agreed, and said Lawrence 
was the best outfitting point. 12 A letter from the gold fields to the 
Wyandotte Commercial Gazette stated that several parties had come 
through by the Smoky Hill. "They report a good supply of wood, 
water and grass." 13 The Junction City Sentinel even became poetic, 
"Let Hercules do what he may, The Smoky Hill Route MUST have 
its day." 14 

Within months it was clear that the ideas expressed by these 
newspapers were incorrect in most instances. As one historian 
pointed out, in 1858 and 1859 "there was no discernable trail at all 
after one left Fort Riley. . . . Added to this lack of knowledge 
of the route to be taken, those who recommended the Smoky Hill 
trail had little knowledge of distance." 15 Another writer has com- 
mented, "Although it was the most direct, the Smoky was, due to 
scarcity of water, the hardest and most dangerous of the three 
great prairie roads from the Big Muddy to the Pike's Peak Gold 
Region." 16 

The Kansas City ( Mo. ) Western Journal of Commerce stated on 
April 9, 1859, that it had heard that suffering was occurring on the 
Smoky Hill route. Said the Journal, "How often will it be neces- 
sary to tell the public that there is no road up the Smoky Hill." 
The Cherry Creek Pioneer, which appeared only once and then dis- 

9. William Larimer, Jr., to the editor of the Times, February 2, 1859. Leavenworth 
Weekly Times, March 5, 1859. 

10. Ibid., March 19, 1859. 

11. A. Cutler to the editors of the Republican, March 10, 1859. Lawrence Repub- 
lican, March 24, 1859. 

12. Herald of Freedom, Lawrence, March 26, 1859. 

13. D. C. Collier to the editor of the Wyandotte Commercial Gazette, February 12, 
1859, quoted in the Lawrence Republican, April 14, 1859. 

14. Junction City Sentinel, quoted in the Freedom's Champion, Atchison, March 26, 

15. Johnston, op. cit., p. 14. 

16. Margaret Long, The Smoky Hill Trail, Following the Old Historic Pioneer Trail* 
on the Modern Highways (Denver, 1953), p. 20. 





First Wunilawl P&rall&'-S&itfoto the Itepublican Fork of the Kansas 
.nfcir, thence following the trail of CoL Fremont o^hiseJS" 

plowxtions ht L843, ft> Cheny Creek andfh&3tin0$* 

piled fforn CoL Fremont's 8?mTy% d l!ia mo&t reliabls mformtloa derived from the 
tradersWrosH the Great. Phuti*. 

~ ^..VY^KI-NT- > - .j 

K $-, 


U!C**ter, I <l ! 1? 

^<*t 1 1 t v iafiitj prt>v Jsiopt 

tnH f?ra*s. 

Musedbab, on Grasshopper, ; 11 "~^ * 

vt Hi- : n's^ni , provinions 

uid ^rass, 

Surekst : 11 :" 

".* 1-Mn^nt, ptWtSJonS 

t:d jrrass. 

Datario, on Elk Crek, : 10 . 41 p 

, -ut, provision 4 ? 

aid grass* 

A m^rtra^ o Soldiers Creek, 9 .'^s ^ 

Hjttlosucrst , proviaioun 

us*! ifrasis. 

V*< Ilia ' , S| s 75 

**ltloia<'?it , enterteiumt 

nt aoil p?o visions. 

!?3.vy timhr &nd uii*> 


j n i.i 1; 

/ujber ad jjrass, 

: d Uo. 1 23 ; IIS ; ' 

Vyod, water atu! n'SSS. 

't:M. Fn'mn; 

this section as < *3lTaf4Io|f 

!>:nne!i of Soiom<>u"s Furkj 
l^av^f da *l do 

Hr^neh of R^tibliritn Fo 

the Ma 

*n*.'raily ov^r high and 
'icryn;*, which are well 
ii very heavy oak, 


*& ^?f F*al:? an 

iil^ in 1811. 

the ishiuf Ilie route is 



V M il ; rrats. 

.! arras*, 


Kansas towns vied for "tourist" traffic in 1859 as now. These travel directions, 
covering three main routes west from Atchison, contain several place names 
familiar to today's travelers. The tables were published in 1859 issues of an 
Atchison newspaper, Freedom's Champion. 

Since the return of the buffalo (on scattered reservations, of course) today's 
traveler might even be able to locate buffalo chips for fuel if he looks closely 
enough. But beware of the buffalo. 


continued operation, reported from Denver on April 23 that several 
men who had recently arrived via the Smoky Hill route had be- 
come lost because of the absence of markers on it. Stated the 
Pioneer, "Any other route is better than the smoky Hill road/' 17 A 
man from Council Grove brought a report to Kansas City of a 
company of 100 men who had come down from the Smoky Hill 
route, lost and without provisions. He said they robbed the trad- 
ing post at Cottonwood crossing, beat up the keeper, took 80 to 
100 sacks of corn and all the flour, provisions, and groceries on 
hand, and headed for the mines. 18 The Rocky Mountain News as- 
serted, "Every day we meet men arriving from the States by the 
above route most of them in an almost famishing condition." This 
newspaper reported that three men had died from starvation. 
Other stories of deaths and disappearance appeared. One emigrant 
related a tale of 17 men who had died or disappeared, and another 
claimed the remains of one hundred men could be seen along the 
trail. The News bitterly condemned the people who had induced 
emigrants to start over the route with a short supply of provisions 
expecting to find a good road with good camps; a road 250 miles 
shorter than any other route. Instead, said the News, the emi- 
grants found no road at all, very little wood or water, and a dis- 
tance to travel of 800 instead of 600 miles. 19 

These stories of suffering on the Smoky Hill route continued 
until the most dreadful of all appeared. It was related in a pub- 
lished pamphlet by one of the survivors. 

Daniel Blue, his two brothers, Alexander and Charles, and two 
other men left their homes in Illinois in February, 1859, to seek 
gold in the Pike's Peak gold region. They proceeded to Lawrence, 
purchased a pony, put their luggage on the animal, and started 
walking to the mining area. In Topeka they bought 200 pounds of 
flour. At Manhattan they joined a party of nine other Pike's Peakers 
and proceeded on to Fort Riley. By the time they reached that 
place the party had swelled to 16. The group decided to take the 
Smoky Hill route on the recommendation of one of their number 
who claimed to have traveled that trail before. Nine of the men 
stopped to hunt buffalo, but the rest pushed ahead. These seven be- 
came lost west of Fort Riley, their pony wandered away, and they 
were left with practically no provisions. 

17. Cherry Creek Pioneer, Denver, April 23, 1859. 

18. Western Journal of Commerce, Kansas City, Mo., May 7, 1859. 

19. Rocky Mountain News, Denver, May 7, 1859. 



About March 17 they reached the head of the Smoky Hill fork 
and believed themselves to be only about 55 miles from Denver. 
Actually, said Daniel Blue, they were about 170 miles away. They 
had no course to follow and used the sun for a guide. They were 
lost and had virtually no food left. To add to their troubles a se- 
vere snowstorm occurred. Soon the party of seven split up, three 
of the men pushing ahead, leaving behind a group of four, the 
three Blue brothers and a man named Soley. Before long two of 
them were too weak to walk. The four ran out of provisions and 
subsisted upon boiled roots, grass, and snow for eight days. 

In their desperate situation, realizing that they faced death from 
starvation, the men determined to resort to cannibalism. They 
agreed that if one of them died the others should eat his flesh in 
an attempt to regain their strength and permit them to push on to 
some settlement. Soley died, and after lying beside him for three 
days the Blue brothers ate his flesh. Then Alexander Blue ex- 
pired and the other brothers partook of his flesh. Finally, Charles 
Blue perished and Daniel Blue devoured some of his flesh. A short 
time later some Arapaho Indians found Daniel and saved him. 
They contacted the express company which took Daniel to Denver 
where he arrived on May 11. He found that only five of the 16 
who had left Fort Riley had reached the gold fields. 20 

These tales of suffering brought forth bitter attacks on Leaven- 
worth by the Kansas City Western Journal of Commerce. Said 
the Journal, "We are informed that they have a couple of bottles, 
filled with brass filings at a banking house in Leavenworth, which 
they place in the window, labeled Tike's Peak Gold/ It is this 
sort of stuff, together with 'painted wagons,' 'ten days Expresses,' 
that never run at all, that has killed so many on the Smoky Hill." 21 
The Leavenworth Weekly Herald replied that in carping Kansas 
City all the bottles were filled with "instanter whiskey" and that 
was the way the people wanted them to continue. 22 

A short time later two journalists explained why suffering had 
occurred on the Smoky Hill. One of them stated, "That route will 
doubtless turn out as good in the end as either the Northern or 
Southern. But at the time of the beginning of the Pike's Peak emi- 

20. Daniel Blue, Thrilling Narrative of the Adventures, Sufferings and Starvation of 
Pike's Peak Gold Seekers . . . (Chicago, I860), pp. 6-8, 10-17. See, also, Henry 
Villard, "To the Pike's Peak Country in 1859 and Cannibalism on the Smoky Hill Route, 
The Colorado Magazine, Denver, v. 8 (November, 1931), pp. 225-236. 

21. Western Journal of Commerce, May 28, 1859. Somehow the impression was gained 
in some quarters that the Jones and Russell express was using the Smoky Hill route. This 
was not true, but the express company was blamed for some of the emphasis which was 
placed on the Smoky Hill route. 

22. Weekly Leavenworth Herald, June 4, 1859. 


gration it was but partially explored. . . ." 2S The other asserted, 
"Thousands took an unexplored route, up the Smoky Hill river, 
where grass and water proved woefully scarce and fearful suffering 
prevailed/' 24 

The unfortunate results of the 1859 spring emigration struck a 
deathblow to the Smoky Hill route. Very few items appeared in 
the papers concerning it during the summer and fall of 1859. How- 
ever, in late September a meeting was held in Manhattan to con- 
sider the possibility of surveying and constructing a road from 
Leavenworth to Denver via Manhattan, Fort Riley, and the Solo- 
mon fork. The group appointed a committee to talk to the people of 
Leavenworth and other towns along the route. 25 This movement 
never developed further but a similar one concerning the Smoky 
Hill route did. 

In the early part of 1860 discussion of the Smoky Hill route oc- 
curred in the Kansas legislature and in some newspapers. Two 
bills were introduced in the territorial council to establish roads up 
the Smoky Hill river to some point at the base of the Rocky Moun- 
tains. 26 In February the Rocky Mountain News printed a letter 
from someone in Denver who said the Platte route was the best, 
but that most of the people from the South and Southwest would 
select the Arkansas (the Santa Fe) route. Only the "fool-hardy 
and insane" would come up the Smoky Hill, this writer declared. 27 
The Kansas Press of Council Grove, located on the Santa Fe route, 
said of the Smoky Hill route in late February, "we trust no one will 
be so foolish as to attempt to travel it." 28 

In spite of this attitude and in spite of the failures of the preced- 
ing year, Leavenworth still contained supporters of the Smoky Hill 
route in the spring of 1860. One of these sent a letter to the editor 
of the Times of that town late in February. Leavenworth must do 
something, this correspondent wrote, to offset the advantage ob- 
tained by St. Joseph through the establishment of the Hannibal 
and St. Joseph railroad. He suggested "that a Committee of ar- 
rangements . . . organize and equip as soon as possible, a 

23. Henry Villard, The Past and Present of the Pike's Peak Gold Regions, reprinted 
from the edition of 1860, with introduction and notes by LeRoy R. Hafen (Princeton, 1932), 
p. 25. 

24. Albert D. Richardson, Beyond the Mississippi . . . (Hartford, Conn., 1875), 
pp. 157, 158. 

25. Manhattan Express, October 1, 1859. 

26. Council Journal of the Legislative Assembly of Kansas Territory . 1860, 
pp. 34, 67. 

27. "D." to the editor of the Netos, January 27, 1860. Rocky Mountain News, Feb- 
ruary 1, 1860. 

28. The Kansas Press, Council Grove, February 20, 1860. 


party, who are to proceed and examine the region between Fort 
Riley and the Gold Region of Western Kansas the route to follow 
the Smoky Hill fork to its source. . . ." This party should con- 
sist of not less than 18 well-equipped men, under the direction of an 
engineer, and should make a thorough survey of the route and 
construct good crossings over all the streams. The motive of the 
letter writer appeared in his last sentence: "By thus securing a 
short, commodious and direct route to the mines, Leavenworth can 
yet secure this season, the greatest part of the trade and travel to 
and from the Gold region, as their nearest river route." 29 The 
Smoky Hill route boom which subsequently developed in Leaven- 
worth was clearly linked to efforts to secure more outfitting trade 
for that town and to combat the efforts of St. Joseph and other rivals. 

Another letter writer shortly thereafter asserted, "At present, the 
great struggle is for the Lion's share of the Pike's Peak trade." 
Leavenworth could secure this by obtaining machinery for the 
quartz interests to purchase and by establishing a central route to 
the gold fields up the Smoky Hill fork. This correspondent sug- 
gested that the people in the towns from Leavenworth to Junction 
City collect funds toward constructing the road. He maintained 
that "every town, and every farmer on the route is interested, and 
can be induced to contribute in some way to the result/' 30 

The Times supported this movement. It maintained that the 
best and shortest route to the gold fields lay from Leavenworth, 
but that the people interested in the route must improve it. Thirty 
to thirty-five thousand dollars would suffice to cover the expense of 
the necessary improvements, the newspaper declared. This sum 
would permit the employment of 100 to 150 men on the road who 
could complete the work in a short time. Adherents must act upon 
the plan quickly though, the Times concluded. 81 

As a result of this publicity, some Leavenworth residents held 
several road meetings in March. Those attending decided the prin- 
cipal stumbling block for road planners was financial. How much 
money would road construction require, and where would this 
money come from? The number of people at these meetings was 
not large. A committee was appointed at one meeting to collect 
subscriptions and information on the subject and to report at a 
later meeting. 82 

29. "Wid* Awake" to the editor of the Times, February 29, I860. Leavenworth 
Daily Times, March 1, 1880. 

30. "Progress" to the editor of the Times, no date. Ibid., March 2, 1860. 

31. Ibid., March 12, 1860. 

32. Ibid., March 15, 17, 1860; Weekly Leavenworth Herald, March 24, 1860. 


Other towns supported this move. The Lawrence Republican 
defended the Smoky Hill route with the explanation: 
Some parties who started out on that route last season took an insufficiency of 
provisions, and therefore incurred great suffering. But that was no fault 
of the route. Large numbers of persons returned from the mines by that 
route last season, and all spoke of it as the shortest and best. 33 

Later this paper reported, 

The citizens of Leavenworth are moving in the matter of a road to the gold 
mines, up the Smoky Hill river. This is a sensible movement, and should 
have been made long ago. It will not be possible for Leavenworth long to 
retain the Pike's Peak trade, if the present northern route is maintained. The 
people of our own locality are also interested in this route, and will gladly 
second the efforts of our Leavenworth neighbors. 34 

The State Record of Topeka stated that the Smoky Hill route was 
doubtless the shortest and best. 35 

The Rocky Mountain News, on the other hand, protested against 
attempts to build up the Smoky Hill route again as a fine usable 
route. Inducing emigrants to use the route "for the benefit of 
speculators and lot owners, in prospective towns along the line of 
travel, has been tried once over this fated Smoky Hell route with 
only too lamentable success, and its instigators stand to-day, in the 
sight of Heaven, guilty of manslaughter, to say the least/' The 
News suggested that the promoters of the Smoky Hill route try it 
themselves and "if they get through without eating each other up, 
some adventurous individuals may be induced to follow." 36 

Such an attitude did not deter Leavenworth promoters. The 
general meetings did not seem to be making much progress, so the 
Leavenworth city council accepted the proposition of an experi- 
enced mountaineer to open up the route. This move prompted the 
first of the two Leavenworth-sponsored expeditions sent to locate 
a road over the Smoky Hill in 1860. 

Late in March Green Russell, one of the pioneer prospectors in 
the Pike's Peak region, appeared in Leavenworth on his way to the 
gold fields. He went before the city council and offered to locate 
a road over the Smoky Hill route for $3,500. He promised to pro- 
vide a guide for this road giving the distances between camping 
grounds and information on the supply of wood, grass, and water, 
and he agreed to send a report of his findings to the mayor and the 
council of Leavenworth. If he passed over the route in 40 days, 

33. Lawrence Republican, March 8, 1860. 

34. Ibid., March 29, 1860. 

35. State Record, Topeka, March 31, 1860. 

36. Rocky Mountain News, March 21, 1860. 


he promised to deduct one third of the sum charged. The council 
unanimously accepted the proposition. Commented the Times 
concerning the report Russell would send back, "If favorable, that 
report will influence one half the return travel in the fall, and 
control a large portion of the outgoing emigration in the summer." 37 
"Other towns in Kansas approved the Green Russell expedition. 
A Lawrence paper asserted, 

The citizens of Leavenworth are at last awaking to the necessity of opening 
a road from that city direct to the mines, via the Smoky Hill Fork. It is the 
only method by which Leavenworth can hope to retain her Pike's Peak trade, or 
maintain her position as the outfitting emporium for the gold regions. For 
the northern route, Atchison and St. Joseph are two powerful competitors. 

The newspaper added that if the Smoky Hill route were not opened, 
the Pacific railroad would go by the Platte route. 38 The Topeka 
State Record commented, "The entire Kansas Valley is deeply in- 
terested in this project, and should co-operate with Leavenworth 
to the extent of their ability in securing the opening of the route." 3J) 
An editor in Manhattan declared, "This is a sensible movement, 
and should have been made long ago. . . . The people of our 
own locality are also interested in this route, and will gladly second 
the efforts of our Leavenworth neighbors." 40 A letter to a Leaven- 
worth paper from a man in Junction City stated that Junction City 
favored Leavenworth's attentions to the Smoky Hill route. 41 Even 
the Rockij Mountain News approved the plan to send Green Russell 
out to explore and to mark the route. However, the editor of the 
gold fields paper did not think anyone could construct a good road 
via the Smoky Hill, and, therefore, he declared he would not rec- 
ommend any travel over that route until the road had been definitely 
established. 42 

In early May Green Russell's party arrived in the gold fields. 43 
On May 15 the mayor of Leavenworth received Russell's report. 
The Times reported that this account was very favorable. Now, 
counseled the Times, Leavenworth should immediately call a con- 
vention of representatives from all the cities and towns interested 
in the route and should ask the national government to send over the 
route a survey team of 60 men or so accompanied by an engineer. 44 

37. Leavenworth Dotty Times, March 30, 1860. 

38. Lawrence Republican, April 5, 1860. 

39. State Record, April 7, 1860. 

40. Manhattan Express, April 7, 1860. 

41. "Keystone" to the editor of the Herald, April 14, 1860. Weekly Leavenworth 
Herald, April 21, 1860. 

42. Rocky Mountain News, April 25, 1860. 

43. Rocky Mountain Herald, Denver, May 5, 1860. 

44. Leavenworth Daily Times, May 16, 1860. 


Even before Green Russell had completed his journey and sent back 
his report, the Leavenworth Weekly Herald had opined that the 
towns along the Kansas river and Leavenworth must set up a fund 
of $30,000 to $50,000 for a complete exploration of the Smoky Hill 
route and the opening up of a government wagon road over the 
route. For, even if Green Russell did a good surveying job, "neither 
his say so, nor any other private person's say so will secure popular 
faith in a route which once proved so disastrous to those who 
tried it." Also, the editor of the Herald believed that Russell's party 
was too small to do a thorough job of exploring. He suggested a 
convention of representatives from Leavenworth, Atchison, Kansas 
City, and all Kansas river towns to set up a comprehensive plan of 
survey, because the Smoky Hill route was important to the economy 
of all these towns. 45 

Thus, although the Green Russell expedition evoked an abun- 
dance of enthusiasm when it began and even later when its re- 
port came back, some observers had seen at an early date that it 
would have only limited value. Earlier complaints that the ex- 
pedition was almost worthless seemed to be confirmed by subse- 
quent events. Just a few weeks after the completion of Russell's 
trip another exploration was on its way to open up the Smoky Hill 

When Russell's report arrived in Leavenworth, interested citi- 
zens of that town held a public meeting to consider their next step. 46 
The Times declared, "No citizen having any interest in Leaven- 
worth should forget or overlook the meeting to-night at the City 
Hall." 47 A report which appeared in the Rocky Mountain News 
late in May explained the urgency of this meeting. This report 
came from an anonymous Eastern correspondent of the News who 
wrote from St. Louis May 6. He stated that many emigrants were 
going to the Rocky Mountains at this time: 

St. Joseph particularly furnishes ample evidence of the numerical strength of 
this spring's emigration. . . . The emigration from Atchison, Leavenworth 
and Kansas City, is not very heavy this spring. More freight trains, it is true, 
are started from these three towns than from those farther north, but the bulk 
of the emigration itself seems to avoid them. Leavenworth, especially, ap- 
pears to be much less attractive as an outfitting point than last year. 48 

At the meeting held to consider Russell's report in mid-May in 
Leavenworth the assembly set up a committee to devise a plan 

45. Weekly Leavenworth Herald, April 21, 1860. 

46. Leavenworth Daily Times, May 19, 1860. 

47. Ibid., May 18, 1860. 

48. Letter to the editor of the Netvs, May 6, 1860. Rocky Mountain News, May 
23, 1860. 


concerning the Smoky Hill road. The committee suggested the 
following program: "First, to raise means in the city. Second, to 
secure, forthwith, the co-operation of cities and counties along the 
line. Third, to start a party, headed by practical and thorough men, 
upon the road, to build and establish it." 49 A few days earlier the 
city council of Leavenworth had appointed the mayor and two other 
citizens to constitute a committee to correspond with other towns 
interested in opening a wagon road from Leavenworth to Denver 
over the Smoky Hill. 50 

Conferences between the interested towns occupied the next 
few days. Newspapers in the Kansas river towns responded 
favorably to Leavenworth's overtures. The Manhattan Express 
urged both Manhattan and Junction City to foster the movement. 51 
The Topeka State Record stated, "Measures should now be taken 
immediately for opening this route, and turning to practical account 
the important facts developed." 52 

The Times noted on May 23 that "delegates have been sent to 
Lawrence, Topeka, Manhattan and Junction [City], and ere a fort- 
night passes a company will be out to build the road." 53 Leaven- 
worth's plan was to send out a construction train to make bridges, 
fix crossings, and dig wells. The train should consist of 35 men and 
a competent superintendent sent out to work for 65 days. The 
estimated cost of this operation was $7,500, and Leavenworth re- 
portedly had already raised $2,000. The town would raise most of 
the remainder of the sum, but it expected the Kansas valley towns 
who were interested to contribute something also. Lawrence 
planned a meeting to decide what its participation in the activity 
would be, and a local paper urged the importance of the movement 
upon the merchants of that town. 54 Topeka residents held a public 
meeting May 23 to confer with the Leavenworth Smoky Hill route 
committee to discuss plans. 55 Manhattan citizens held a conference 
about the same time and discussed various means to finance the 
endeavor. 56 

Money was scarce in Kansas at this time, but Topeka offered to 
furnish five yoke of cattle and whatever amount of money it could 

49. Leavenworth Daily Times, May 21, 1860. 

50. Ibid., May 19, 1860. 

51. Manhattan Express, May 19, 1860. 

52. State Record, May 19, I860. 

53. Leavenworth Daily Times, May 23, 1860. 

54. Lawrence Republican, May 24, 1860. 

55. State Record, May 26. 1860. 

56. Manhattan Express, May 26, 1860. 


raise, probably between three and five hundred dollars. 57 Junction 
City appropriated $500 in bonds and declared it would double that 
amount if necessary. Ogden offered a yoke of oxen, and Manhattan 
promised $500 in bonds. Vermillion offered a mare, Auburn 
promised three yoke of cattle, and Lawrence raised $155 in cash. 
The total cash value of subscriptions from the Kansas valley towns 
by June 2 was $2,165. The Leavenworth city council authorized 
the issuance of $3,000 in bonds. 58 

The financial arrangements were thus fairly well underway by 
the time authorities in Leavenworth completed the organization of 
the expedition. Superintendent of the party was Henry T. Green, 
a 34-year-old attorney from Virginia, who had lived in Leaven- 
worth since 1854. 59 Green, who was not an experienced prairie 
traveler, led a party which included a guide, an engineer, and a 
practical surveyor. 60 The expedition consisted of about 40 other 
persons, five wagons, 60 days' provisions, and plenty of firearms 
and ammunition. The group left Leavenworth about June 18. 61 

The Green expedition reached Topeka on June 22 and Manhattan 
four days later. Green visited the office of the Manhattan Express 
and told some of his plans. He intended to halt at the extreme 
headwaters of the Smoky Hill and make a thorough investigation 
of the country between that point and Cherry Creek. Also, the ex- 
pedition planned to bridge all streams which travelers had difficul- 
ties crossing, smooth out abrupt declivities, fill all steep hollows, 
remove bad rocks, try to make as direct a route as possible, and set 
up suitable gtiideboards and other markers. The Express stressed 
the long-range importance of the expedition by emphasizing that 
the road which the expedition opened would be the forerunner of 
a railroad "which will soon be demanded by the importance which 
the Gold Mines on our Western border are beginning to assume." 2 

Green and his men were in Salina on July 4 and that town pre- 
pared a Fourth of July picnic for them. 63 A Leavenworth paper 
reported July 23, 

The last heard from the Smoky Hill Expedition, was when at a point fifty 
miles beyond Salina. As far as the work had progressed, the route was ex- 
cellent, and no difficulty of any kind had been experienced. The road was 

57. Leavenworth Daily Times, May 29, 1860. 

58. Ibid., June 2, 1860. 

59. "United States Census, 1860," v. 10, p. 222. Archives division, Kansas State His- 
torical Society, Topeka; A. T. Andreas and W. G. Cutler, History of the State of Kansas 
(Chicago, 1883), p. 444. 

60. Leavenworth Daily Times, June 6, 1860. 

61. Ibid., June 16, 1860. 

62. Topeka Tribune, June 23, 1860; Manhattan Express, June 30, 1860. 

63. "J. R. F." to the editor of the Times, July 4, 1860. Leavenworth Daily Times, 
July 11, 1860. 


marked by mounds, about a mile apart, so that there could be no trouble in 
finding it hereafter. 64 

About a month later the Times received a letter from its special 
correspondent who was traveling with the expedition. He an- 
nounced that the party had reached the gold fields after 57 days on 
the trail; the expedition, he wrote, had made a good road to both 
Denver and Colorado City. The Times greeted this announcement 
with the statement, "Leavenworth City will soon recover her former 
vitality. . . /' 65 

Green sent a letter from Denver shortly after his party reached 
that place. He wrote that wood was scarce on the Smoky Hill route 
in many places but plenty of buffalo chips were available. Up to 
Big Grove an abundance of water existed, and beyond Big Grove 
the longest stretch without water was only 22 miles. "All through 
the route we have mounds and sign boards so that no man can lose 
it." Green intended to start back to Leavenworth soon and prom- 
ised that upon his arrival he would "furnish a report of our financial 
condition, which is quite low, also a diary of our travel, water, 
grass, wood, buffalo chips, and the face of the country." 66 

Green and others arrived back in Leavenworth on October 6. 
Several Leavenworth citizens visited him on his first evening in 
town, organizing into a meeting to decide what steps should be 
taken to present Green's report to the people of Leavenworth. They 
decided to have Green and other officers of the expedition report 
to the city council on October 9 and then later relate their experi- 
ences at a meeting of all the citizens of Leavenworth. The Times 
commented that the opening of the route was of great significance 
to Leavenworth. Expectations were that a large emigration would 
roll to the gold fields in 1861. 67 

Green reported before a general meeting of the people of Leaven- 
worth on October 16. 68 Three days before this meeting, authori- 
ties auctioned off all of the equipment used by the Green expedi- 
tion and a large crowd collected to bid on the various items. 69 In 
March, 1861, the report was distributed in pamphlet form. 70 This 
pamphlet also contained an explanatory preface by the publish- 
ing committee of the Leavenworth city council and a table of dis- 

64. Ibid., July 23, 1860. 

65. James Brown to the editor of the Times, August 16, 1860. Ibid., August 28, 1860. 

66. H. T. Green to the editor of the Times, August 29, 1860. Ibid., September 10, 

67. Ibid., October 8, 1860. 

68. Ibid., October 17, 1860. 

69. Ibid., October 15, 1860. 

70. Ibid., March 23, 1861. 


tances between Leavenworth and Denver. 71 With this publication 
the Green expedition completed its activities. 

Some Kansas newspapers greeted the work of the Green expedi- 
tion with enthusiasm. The Lawrence Republican stated, "We shall 
soon have the immense trade and travel of the entire gold regions 
directed through our city. . . ." 72 The Topeka State Record 
commented that the Smoky Hill route had innumerable advantages, 
and the Manhattan Express asserted that the Smoky Hill would 
"positively be the great thoroughfare to the gold regions." 73 

People from the gold fields who traveled back over that route 
sustained the enthusiasm for the Smoky Hill road. A man who had 
recently returned over the route declared in October, 1860, that 
he believed it was shorter and better than the Platte or Arkansas. 74 
Four men who came over the route to Leavenworth from Denver 
asserted that it was the best road from the mines, over one hun- 
dred miles shorter than any other. 75 Another returned Pike's Peaker 
praised the road, but noted one drawback. His complaint was: 
". . . the landmarks erected by the surveying expedition, are 
being demolished by the herds of buffalo on the plains, and . . . 
unless measures are speedily taken to restore them, an entire new 
survey, much of the distance, will have to be made." 76 

Actually the destruction of the landmarks made little difference in 
the history of the route. The desperate endeavor by Leavenworth 
and the Kansas river towns to construct a route which would gain 
a place beside the Platte route came two years too late. The peak of 
the rush to the gold fields had occurred in 1859. The traffic in 1860 
was still of sizeable proportions, but the Smoky Hill road was con- 
structed too late in that year to benefit from it. In 1861 the rush was 
over. The improved route did not help the Kansas valley towns gain 
much of the gold seekers' trade, but it did serve a useful purpose 
later as the road for the Butterfield stage line and even later for the 
Kansas Pacific railroad. 77 The route proved its usefulness, but only 
at a later date and under different circumstances than those which 
prevailed in 1859 and 1860. 

71. H. T. Green and O. M. Tennison, Report and Map of the Superintendent and 
Engineer of the Smoky Hill Expedition . . . (Leavenworth, 1861). 

72. Lawrence Republican, August 30, 1860. 

73. State Record, October 13, 1860; Manhattan Express, September 29, 1860. 

74. S. J. Willes to the editor of the Republican, October 8, 1860. Lawrence Repub- 
lican, October 11, 1860. 

75. Leavenworth Daily Times, October 30, 1860. 

76. State Record, November 17, 1860. 

77. Johnston, op. cit., pp. 49, 62, 66. 

The Letters of the Rev. Samuel Young Lum, Pioneer 
Kansas Missionary, 1854-1858 Concluded 


Lawrence, K. T. March 10th, 1856. 




My report for the year is necessarily detained chiefly on account 
of ill health & at present I do not feel competent to the task of a 
lengthened report but shall endeavor to supply what is now deficient 
in the next quarterly, which will follow this in little over a week. 

I cannot report the realization of what we so earnestly hoped at 
the commencement of the year. Circumstances new & trying in the 
extreme, have arisen to retard the progress of truth; & there have 
been times when a full confidence in the overruling hand of an all 
wise Father has been all that could keep our little band of praying 
ones, from utter despair, so far as our prospects here were concerned. 

All has for a great part of the time been wild excitement. 32 Our 
place of worship has been taken for soldiers barracks, & our meet- 
ings, when we could have any, were held in little private rooms, 
where but very few could be assembled. In such a state of things 
all has looked dark. A few of the brethren & sisters have been 
drawn nearer to God, & have felt their entire & absolute dependence 
upon him in every trial, but the great majority even of the church 
have been influenced in a contrary direction. Excitement seemed 
to dissipate serious reflection, & the mind lost its delight in the wor- 
ship & service of God. I hardly think it possible for the interests of 
truth to be advanced, even with ordinary rapidity, under such cir- 

DR. EMORY KEMPTON LINDQUIST, Rhodes scholar and former president of Bethany 
College, is dean of the faculties of the University of Wichita. He is author of Smoky 
Valley People: A History of Lindsborg, Kansas (1953), and numerous magazine articles 
relating to the history of this region. 

32. There was much agitation and conflict in Kansas associated with the Topeka con- 
stitutional movement. Officials were elected under the constitution on January 15, 1856. 
On February 11 President Franklin Pierce issued a proclamation commanding "all persons 
engaged in unlawful combinations against the constituted authority of the Territory of 
Kansas, or of the United States, to disperse, and retire peaceably to their respective 
abodes." Daniel W. Wilder, Annals of Kansas (1886), pp. 106, 109. The text of the 
Topeka constitution is found in ibid,, pp. 91-106. Various factors in the Topeka movement 
are described in an interesting manner by James C. Malin, "The Topeka Statehood Move- 
ment Reconsidered: Origins," in Territorial Kansas; Studies Commemorating the Centennial 
(Lawrence, 1954), pp. 33-69. 



cumstances; & for this reason mainly I shall have but little progress 
to report. We think that a permanent peace has at last been secured; 
not but that we shall have excitement still, but I do not think they 
will be of the bloody character they have heretofore been; & I trust 
will in their influence be less hostile to truth. 

The name of our Church is Plymouth Cong. Chh. of Lawrence, 
Kanzas. During most of the year I have had 2 stations 25 miles 
apart. Since Sept. I have entirely withdrawn from Topeka, & 
have taken a station within the bounds of my Lawrence congrega- 
tion. Thus I have still 2 & soon as practicable expect to take another. 

The church is composed of ten male & eight female members. 
Beside these, three have left us for the church triumphant, & one 
has taken his letter to another church. 

It is difficult to state what is the average attendance. When we 
have the hall, which we resumed last Sabbath, there are about 100 
in attendance, & probably, if our circumstances were at all favorable, 
the average attendance would be twice that number. 

It is not yet my pleasure to report any hopeful conversions though 
there are a few who manifest much interest in their future welfare. 
No additions by profession. There have been (8) eight additions 
by letter though it is probable that some of these may be noticed in 
my last report. Some of our most promising, prospective members 
have been induced, from one cause & another, to either return East, 
or to seek some other location, not so exactly in the focus of danger. 

The Sabbath school has been much interrupted as also the Bible 
class; & there is a less attendance than one year ago. The neighbor- 
hood schools have been omitted during the vigor of the winter; & 
the school in Lawrence numbers but about 30 with about 20 in 
the Bible class. 

The contributions at the monthly concert amount to $20.00 most 
(if not all of which) will be for Home Missions. 

The steps taken last fall for the erection of a church edifice, are 
likely to be crowned with success. We hope before the close of the 
year to see our hopes in this direction fully realized; steps have been 
taken for the formation of Bible & Tract Societies. 33 

Yours in the Gospel 

S. Y. LUM. 

33. The church building was started in the autumn of 1855. While the church was 
used before it was fully completed, it was not dedicated until November 16, 1862. Richard 
Cordley, Pioneer Days in Kansas (1903), pp. 82, 83. 


LAWRENCE, March 22, 1856. 

When I wrote my yearly report, I promised to be more full in my 
next quarterly report & intended to make my promise good, but I 
fear I shall be compelled to be a delinquent as I am now writing 
under anything but favorable circumstances, watching day after 
day, & I may say, night after night at the bed of sickness & death. 
I find but little time, and feel but little disposition, to perform mental 
labor. One of the members of my church, a young man & full of 
promise, both for the church & the world, lies by my side, just on 
the verge of eternity. ... I feel that I am ministering to my 
dear Savior, in the person of his loved disciple, & it is a pleasure, 
though a wearisome one to the flesh. . . . 

We begin to hope that the hostile demonstrations of our Missouri 
neighbors are over. This is desirable not only for the temporal 
advancement of the Territory, but more especially for its growth in 
spiritual things. Those who have not seen, cannot feel as we do, 
what an awful influence the wild excitements of the past year have 
had on the morals & virtue of this community. All the effects of 
the Missionary are more than overbalanced by the agencies for 
evil; & the character of the place, as a whole, has been sinking in- 
stead of rising. It is with pain that we are compelled to admit such 
a state of things; yet we do not give up our hope in reference to the 
future. Should the peaceful state of things which now exist, con- 
tinue, the mind of men will be better prepared to receive the truth, 
& much more likely to give thought to the subject of Eternity, sal- 

The legislature that met under the Constitution for the "State of 
Kanzas," has just adjourned, & without any difficulties. 34 Gov. 
Shannon threatened to arrest them, but they preceded with such 
caution, & yet with so much firmness, that he seemed to think it 
wisest not to interfere. Whether their doings will amount to any- 
thing depends upon the action of our National Government, of 
which there is but little hope. 

I have written this in the sick room in the midst of constant inter- 
ruptions, the natural result of which appear throughout it. 

Please send the amount for the past quarter as heretofore ($100) 
one hundred dollars. 

Yours respectfully, 

S. Y. LUM. 

34. The Topeka legislature adjourned on March 8, 1856, to reassemble on July 4, 
1856. Wilder, op. cit., p. 114. 





Another year of my labor in this field has expired; & in looking 
over it I find little to report, calculated to gladden the hearts of 
those who feel an interest in the religious development of Kansas. 
The whole time of my labor has been filled with excitements & com- 
motion, of such a character as to retard, if not entirely destroy the 
influence of truth; but the past three months more than any other 
time, seems worse than lost, in a moral point of view. 

My ministrations have been regular, & at times well attended 
our little hall being frequently so thronged as to compel many to 
leave, & while there, the audiences have appeared attentive & 
serious, but at the threshold, as they left the house of prayer, the 
ever present subject would meet the mind in some new form, & 
crowd out all serious thought of the future. It has seemed as though 
the Sabbath was selected as the day for special excitements; & not 
infrequently have the members of my congregation & even mem- 
bers of my church, left the morning service to be called upon to go 
to the rescue of their brethren attacked by the banditti who sur- 
round us. Without a knowledge derived from seeing & feeling, 
one cannot estimate the fearful influence that such a state of things 
has upon the character of even the professed children of God. 

Those who love God here earnestly pray, for a season of rest & 
quiet, a time when the soul can hold communion with itself, & dis- 
cover its true position & prospects. We hope too that we shall not 
be forgotten by our Eastern brethren. While they pray for our 
temporal relief, let them not forget that we are in even greater 
danger as a community of spiritual death than temporal. . . . 

Since writing my last, I have been compelled to confine myself 
almost entirely to this immediate vicinity. One cannot feel safe, 
no matter what his position or what his business, in going in any 
direction through the territory. Bands of armed men have been, & 
are still arresting travellers, all about us, taking whatever they find 
upon them of value. . . . Every day accounts are brought of 
persons robbed & murdered & for no offense except, of holding 
opinions not corresponding with those of the ruling powers. We 
are truly experiencing a reign of terror. A few sabbaths since, when 
going to an evening prayer meeting about a mile & a half distant, 
I was twice pursued by two suspicious persons on horses, but fail- 


ing to overtake me they turned back. Thus you see that it is not 
safe to travel at all. 

You doubtless have received full accounts of the destruction of 
property and of the robberies that have taken place. These will be 
seriously felt by our church, some having lost nearly their all, & all 
being sufferers to a greater or less extent. The salary which was 
pledged here will be almost entirely lost. The brethren had hoped 
that the Spring would enable them to make up for the deficiency of 
last Fall; but now they are much worse off than then. They are 
placed in a position where they cannot redeem their pledges. 

I have myself been a sufferer to the amount of not less than three 
hundred dollars. When I first came to the Territory, I had a val- 
uable horse given to me by a member of my church, one deeply 
interested in the cause of the truth here. Last Winter he became 
temporarily disabled; & I procured another also a gift. They were 
both taken the same day with the burning of the hotel, & I have 
not seen them since. 35 

On the morning after the destruction of Lawrence, I visited the 
camp of the Marshal's posse, & made an effort to recover my prop- 
erty; but succeeded only so far as to get thoroughly abused. They 
threatened to hang me; & I barely escaped with my life. Kanzas 
is now passing through the furnace. Her character is being formed 
under a welding heat. What type it will assume depends much 
upon what material the churches of our land shall throw into the 
crucible. We hope it may emerge from the fire bearing the same 
impress that New England received from her early trials. 

As to the issue between Freedom & Slavery, it cannot be decided 
wrong if the Free States do what they now seem determined upon. 
This is however, the darkest hour that Freedom has ever seen in 
Kanzas; the entire force of the Government is brought to bear 
against it, & there is no indignity, no outrage which is not practiced 
upon the Free-State settlers. The scenes that followed the "coup 
de tat" of Louis Napoleon are reenacted here under our free gov- 

35. Lum describes the "sack of Lawrence." On May 21, 1856, the posse assembled 
by United States Marshal Israel B. Donalson, when disbanded, was used by Sheriff Samuel 
J. Jones of Douglas county, contending that it was needed to make some arrests and to 
abolish some nuisances as ordered by the grand jury. Earlier, on April 23, 1856, when 
Jones came to Lawrence to make some arrests, he was shot in a leg while asleep in a tent. 
On May 21, 1856, the group under Jones destroyed the presses and equipment of the 
Lawrence Herald of Freedom and the Kansas Free Press. The New England Emigrant 
Company hotel, the home of Charles Robinson were burned and other property was 
destroyed. Richard Cordley, A History of Lawrence, Kansas (1895), pp. 87-89; 99-103. 
The grand jury indictment which Sheriff Jones carried with him is printed in Frank W. 
Blackmar, The Life of Charles Robinson (Topeka, 1902), pp. 196, 197. Prof. James C. 
Malin describes the background factors in the interesting article "Judge Lecompte and 
the 'Sack of Lawrence,' May 21, 1856," The Kansas Historical Quarterly, Topeka, v. 20 
(August, 1953), pp. 553-597. 


eminent with additional violence. 36 Men are arrested without legal 
process, & when arrested are driven off before the pretended offi- 
cers like cattle. I can but feel that these things are developing 
clearly the true nature of our national foe & preparing the true men 
in all parts of the country to resist successfully its grasping demands. 

We are all ready to commence the work of church building; & 
were it not for the peculiar state of things, the work would have 
been in quite an advanced state. As it is, it is difficult to get any- 
one to run the risk of so large a contract, as it may be arrested at 
any moment. We shall commence, however, as soon as possible. 
Our desire will not be to secure the most costly edifice. One is now 
building that will cost not less than twelve thousand dollars. We 
shall be confined to the neighborhood of $5,000. For this, we can 
get a comfortable though not large a building. We fear we shall 
have to dispense with the tower & bell; though to us they seem 
almost essential. 

I have just returned from a visit to the camp where the prisoners 
of State are held; but was not permitted to see them. 37 No one but 
their counsel are at present allowed even to speak to the prisoners. 
Every thing is rendered as uncomfortable as possible. They were 
cheerfull & confident of the final success of the cause for which they 
suffer; so we learned from the Governor's wife, Mrs. Robinson. 

You will please remit the quarter's salary as heretofore & I much 
fear I shall be compelled to ask for a further remittance [because] 
every thing has gone contrary to our expectations. I should be [by] 
this [time] have preached a sermon in behalf of the A.H.M.S. but 
circumstances have prevented. The pecuniary result would be in- 
considerable yet its influence on the future might be important 
could I find a time when thought could be secured to the object. I 
have not received the Home Missionary for the past year. Will you 
not have it sent with the past numbers from April last? 

Yours truly 

S. Y. LUM. 

36. On December 2, 1851, Louis Napoleon gained complete mastery of France as a 
result of a coup d'etat planned largely by his half brother, the Due de Morny. 

37. Charles Robinson, who had been elected governor of Kansas in January, 1856, 
under the Topeka constitution, was one of several Free-State prisoners at Lecompton. They 
were held on an indictment for treason on the basis of the action by the grand jury of 
Douglas county. Cordley, A History of Lawrence, Kansas, pp. 88-92; Blackmar, op. cit., 
pp. 190-205. 



LAWRENCE, K. T. Dec 24th 1856 

It is just one month since my return to my field of labor yet I 
have been back long enough to see, or at least to think I see, 
brightening prospects for Kansas. 38 We are enjoying, & with fair 
prospects of continuance, a state of peace & quiet unlike anything 
I have witnessed, during the two years of my residence here. We 
do not even hear the distant role of the thunder that has heretofore 
preceded the storm. This may result from an entire confidence 
on the part of the enemies of Freedom that the powers that be 
will more perfectly accomplish the work they desire than they can 
do by pursuing their former course of action. 

Some think they have given up the field. I cannot believe that 
they have done anything more than change their tactics, while the 
purpose remains the same. Important changes in this respect have 
taken place; firstly withdrawing from the field their most unscrupu- 
lous & daring leader Col. Titus with his band of outlaws; next by 
superseding the most pliant tools of the slave power in office. 39 
There is also a manifest desire on the part of the southern faction 
to cultivate feelings of friendship, where before every effort was 
made to stir up the bitterest feelings of depraved nature. From 
whatever cause this state of things may proceed, I can but rejoice 
in it, as it opens a prospect for the advancement of that pure & 
peaceable Gospel upon which the institutions of Liberty must rest 
as a permanent base. Long & earnest must the disciples of Jesus 
labor, before they can hope to see the difficulties which strife & war 
have engendered removed. Yet it is no small ground of encourage- 
ment, that the causes of evil are not as actively at work as formerly. 

I am now enabled to hold regular public worship, & I have two 
prayer meetings during the week. The attendance on each of these 
occasions is somewhat increased; yet nothing is more apparent than 
that habits of inattention & carelessness, in reference to the Sabbath 
& sacred worship, have taken deep hold of I might almost say 
the entire community. I suppose in reference to no other part of 
the Territory is this state of things so prevalent as here. We feel 

38. Lum had returned East with his family. He cited as the reason "the health of 
my family seemed to render it necessary that they should have a release from the excite- 
ments and exposures of our unhappy Territory during the coming Winter." The Home 
Missionary, New York, v. 29 (December, 1856), p. 192. 

39. Charles B. Lines, writing from Lawrence on August 24, 1856, described Col. 
Henry T. Titus as follows: "This, Titus, by the way, is one of the most blood thirsty men 
in the whole country. He has been a fillibuster and sort of land pirate during much of his 
life, and is now the terror of all peaceable citizens in the territory. We know him well." 
Alberta Pantle, ed., "The Connecticut Kansas Colony; Letters of Charles B. Lines to the 
New Haven (Conn.) Daily Palladium," The Kansas Historical Quarterly, Topeka, v. 22 
(Summer, 1956), p. 176. 


deeply the need of the presence & power of the Divine Spirit in our 
midst to break up this fatal carelessness; & we must earnestly crave 
to this end, the prayers of all who sympathize with us in these mat- 

The churches have a responsibility beyond that of praying for 
the success of the truth in Kansas from present indications there 
is to be a large addition to the hosts of Freedom in the Territory 
early in the Spring. There should there must be at least, an equal 
increase among the soldiers of the Cross. It is not enough that Kan- 
sas should be made free from the curse of Slavery; it must be rescued 
from the curse of sin; & there are weighty reasons why this is not an 
ordinary case in this respect. Never in the history of this country, 
has a Territory been settled in the midst of so many influences calcu- 
lated to counteract the spread of truth, & to foster the growth of 
sin; & unless the tendency of these influences be arrested, we have 
no reason to expect that they will fail to work out their legitimate 
results. Those who have young friends in Kansas should weigh 
well these facts. 

I have subscribed for a number of the "Herald of Freedom" which 
will doubtless reach you with this. I have not yet written to Bro. 
Noyes in reference to the wants of the settlers as I have had more 
than I could do my health not being very good. There will be 
constant need of assistance in the shape of money, as nothing else 
could reach us, navigation being closed. I could mention cases 
where I have been compelled to give away some of my own chil- 
dren^ clothing they being now at the East to the little sufferers 
about me. 

Since I arrived from the East I have received 2 boxes & 1 barrel 
of clothing from those who sympathize with the cause of Christ 
& the suffering children one box from Dedham, Mass, valued 
at near 200 dolls., another from Bro. Jones society Worcester, Mass., 
a valuable box also in connection with this a barrel from the 
Ladies of Boylston, Mass., for general distribution. A large part 
of these I have distributed to the actually suffering. The box from 
Dedham contained several vols of very valuable works, just what 
my scanty library needed. 

We are having very variable climate this Winter thus far 2 
days ago the mercury stood at sun-rise at 8 below zero today the 
air is balmy as the breath of Spring for the sake of the exposed 
& they are legion, it would seem desirable that it might continue 
so but "He doeth all things well." Yours truly, 

S. Y. LUM 


LAWRENCE, KANSAS Jan 15th 1857 

Your letter containing a draft for Forty Six (46) dollars arrived 
a few days since & would have been acknowledged before this were 
it not that I have been in such a state of health as scarcely to be 
able to attend to my duties at all. The disease which I left the 
East to escape, & which I began to hope had entirely disappeared, 
is returning upon me. I am often seriously afflicted with vertigo. 40 
Excitement & application which I have attempted somewhat this 
winter, produce the same results here as at the East, & I fear will 
bring me to the same condition in which I was, one year before 
accepting your commission. What is to be the result, a few months 
will determine. This field demands the energies of a whole man. 
With the present prospect of Kansas, & the position in it that Law- 
rence occupies, it would be difficult to find a more important field. 
Oh, how I dread, in one view, what I fear. Yet God will provide 
for his church here. 

Every day, I feel more & more the baneful effects of Unitarianism 
here. This is its central, & at present, only point; but here it has 
already secured an influence, more potent than of any other society 
& the condition of our community is such, that it is likely to continue 
& increase that influence. A reckless & daring spirit, created by the 
scenes of the past two years, predisposes the mind to doubt those 
truths that would hold it in check. Excitements 1st of war, & now 
of speculation, bear the mind irresistably away from the peaceful 
& quiet influences of the Gospel. Where no doctrines taught, but 
those of the truth as it is in Jesus, there would be strong hope then 
of overcoming these influences but when the truth as it is called 
is so presented as to fall in with all the natural inclinations of the 
sinful heart, it fortifies the way against that which is distasteful. 
Thus I find, that Unitarianism is more in the way of the progress 
of saving truth, than any or all other influences combined. 

It has also an advantage in having its church nearly completed, 
with funds to finish it. 41 Our building is far advanced; but the funds 
are expended, & how we are to go on with it in the Spring, is yet 
unknown. It cannot be done among ourselves. We are compelled 

40. Vertigo is characterized by "dizziness, giddiness, a sensation of irregular or whirl- 
ing motion, either of oneself or of external objects." Norman Burke Taylor, ed., Stedman's 
Medical Dictionary (Baltimore, 1953), p. 1493. 

41. The construction of the Unitarian church at Lawrence started in the spring of 
1856 under the leadership of the Rev. Ephraim Nute. Although it was occupied in the 
spring and summer of 1857, it was not completed until the autumn of that year. A. T. 
Andreas and W. G. Cutler, History of the State of Kansas (Chicago, 1883), p. 327. 


to look somewhere else, for from one to two thousand dollars. I do 
trust that with all the sympathy that is felt for Kansas at the East, 
this work will be completed there for us. 

You will doubtless have heard ere this of the purchase of a town- 
site near the mouth of the Kansas river, on the Mo. I have not been 
there but from what I can learn, from reliable sources, it bids fair 
to be the entrepot of the Territory. It is wholly "Free State;" & has 
large amount of capital interested in its increase. 42 Should it grow, 
as is desirable, & as is expected, they will need a Missionary there 
quite early in the Spring. Yet that cannot be decided upon at this 
early date. 

Since I have been writing this, I have had two calls from distressed 
families for relief. The cold is vigorous; & must be to the destitute 
a cause of great suffering. Both of these families were sick; one of 
them, nearly every member sickness induced by exposure. It 
afforded me the pleasure, the more so from the fact that they were 
followers of Jesus, to be able through your remittance to be able to 
furnish them their immediate necessities. I have constant calls on 
such business; & esteem it a privilege thus to recommend the truth 
to those who might thus be led to receive it but there are numerous 
cases that the small amount at my disposal will not reach; & some 
cases of destitute families, whose modesty & diffidence will not per- 
mit them to make application to public distributors. . . . 

Yours truly 

S. Y. LUM. 


Another quarter of my labor in the service of the Soc. has expired 
& at its close I am compelled to resign my position as a home mis- 
sionary not I trust from a want of love for the work, but from an 
entire inability to perform it, from what I said in a former letter it 
cannot be unexpected by the Soc. though perhaps it may have been 
sooner than was anticipated. I had hoped to be able to continue 
until my successor could have been procured but from recent violent 
attacks of vertigo I am compelled to avoid all severe mental labor. 
On last Sabbath I was obliged to dismiss the congregation when 

42. Lum refers here to the founding of Quindaro. It was surveyed as a townsite in 
December, 1856, by O. A. Bassett. Building was started January 1, 1857, two weeks prior 
to Lum's letter. Alan W. Farley, "Annals of Quindaro: A Kansas Ghost Town," The 
Kansas Historical Quarterly, Topeka, v. 22 (Winter, 1856), pp. 306, 307. Congregational 
work was started at Quindaro by the Rev. Sylvester D. Storrs, a member of the famous 
Andover Band, in 1857. Charles M. Correll, A Century of Congregationalism in Kansas 
(1953), p. 25. 


half through the services. My physician advises me not to attempt 
again as it is a disease whose attack is so sudden as to give but little 
warning of its approach. 

Our prospects are continually brightening as a church & Soc. & 
should the Lord in his goodness send us just such a man as we need 
our temporal affairs would advance rapidly. I trust we shall not 
long be left long destitute it is important that we should not be 
at all so. 

As I intimated in my last [letter] we have to secure the money 
(by loan) with which to complete our edifice & we hope it will be 
open for worship before the Spring is past. How we shall be able 
to pay the loan is the question. We think there are some friends 
in the East for us yet. The matter of raising our future preachers 
salary is more doubtful we ought to have a first class-man & 
we may not be able to support him. 

I do not know what is the rule in such cases. Could we look to 
the A. H. M. S. for any part? say something like the amount we 
have been receiving during the past? This I ask by the desire of 
the Com. 

I should have been glad to have written a lengthy report as it 
is the last, but my head is not in a condition to allow it. 

I have received in Home Missionary money during the half year 
Six dollars & seventy cts. ($6.70) which is to be deducted from my 
quarters salary leaving One hundred forty three 30/100 (143.30) 
which you may send as heretofore by draft. 

Yours truly, 

S. Y. LUM. 


Your letter of May 23 reached me a few days ago, & finds me 
still engaged in the labor of my position here. When I prepared 
my last quarterly report I thought it an absolute necessity that I 
should stop & that immediately, all close mental application, & wrote 
accordingly, but how to avoid labor was the question. My people 
felt as well as myself that at all events our regular worship should 
be kept up & this was particularly so as Mr. Nute the Unitarian 
minister was making special efforts to draw off the young to their 
eternal destruction. I have thus felt myself compelled to keep right 


on & as long as I could get to the church or until my successor ar- 

When Mr. Woodford came I felt more at liberty, & hoped he 
might be the man. He has preached three times, & preaches again 
next Sabbath which will I fear will be the last with us as he is quite 
desirous to be permanently located & our people think he is not 
the man for them. 43 We have just gone into our own building, 
though it is simply enclosed & now feel at home. 44 Oh that I had a 
head fit to labor, but I must rest for a while perhaps forever, just as 
soon as possible. 

I have no idea that we will be able to support our own minister 
as soon as I thought we should when I last wrote. We have been 
compelled to do so much in raising funds for completing our church. 
Several of the prominent men have given as high as $500, a piece 
for this project & feel it is all they can do at present. 

But in reference to the business of which you spoke. I have 
visited several places in the immediate neighborhood that is within 
12 or 15 miles. One of these is Lecompton which I think would 
afford labor enough for one man if he was of the judicious kind. It 
is the present capitol & rather proslavery though there is quite a 
large minority of good free state men. There is at present no preach- 
ing there & some of the leading men ride 12 miles to attend church 
at Lawrence. Near Lecompton are several out posts that could be 
collected. These if filled at all are filled by very illiterate Methodist 
preachers part of the time. 

I propose to start tomorrow to visit as soon as possible all the 
principal points in the Territory & shall report as soon & as fully 
as possible. From what I know of the wants of the Territory I feel 
that we shall surely need at least the "half dozen" you speak of but 
I shall feel more competent to speak confidently after I have been 
over the field again for this special object. . . . 

Truly your brother, 

S. Y. LUM. 

43. The Rev. O. L. Woodford settled in Grasshopper Falls (now Valley Falls) in 
1857. Ibid., 202. 

44. The construction of Plymouth Congregational Church at Lawrence was started in 
the spring of 1856. It was partially completed and services were held in it at the time 
of Lum's letter, June 10, 1857. The building was dedicated on November 16, 1862. It 
was built of limestone with dimensions 40 x 65 feet. Cordley, Pioneer Days in Kansas, 
pp. 82, 83; Andreas-Cutler, op. cit., p. 327. 



June 24th 1857 

Since writing two weeks since I have visited that part of the 
Territory bordering on the Mo. river; most of this ground was new to 
me. As you know, it was the stronghold of the Border Ruffianism, 
& could not be visited during times of excitement, without pe- 
culiar danger to a "marked man" & as my duty never led me in that 
direction I have been satisfied without seeking more stirring ad- 
venture than could be found near home. Now however there is 
little danger to a traveller in Kansas whatever may be his opinions 
touching "peculiar institutions" as in any new country. In this 
respect the change is wonderful to those who have had experience 
in the past here, & those just entering Kansas are naturally inclined 
from present quiet to believe but a small part of what is true of the 
past. We begin to confidently hope, that so far as sanguinary 
conflicts are concerned they "are among the things that were," that 
what remains to be done is to avoid the dangers of political trickery, 
on the one hand, & the quicksands of speculation on the other. 

This state of things, though perhaps not less dangerous to the 
morals of a community, does not so completely interfere with the 
efforts of the Christian ministry, & therefore Kansas presents today, 
one of the most important perhaps one of the most promising fields 
for missionary labor, & to a great extent it is unoccupied not one 
of the river towns have a preacher connected in any way with the 
churches that sustain the A. H. M. Soc. This is true of the most 
important towns on the river even Leavenworth is now desti- 
tute with a population of over four thousand mostly free state 
men, it has but one educated preacher, & he is so connected with 
the South & its peculiar institution as to be not very acceptable to 
the mass about him so I hear, I am not acquainted with him. 
Leavenworth needs a good man, & right away, but whoever comes 
there must expect to find a community not in the habit of sympa- 
thizing with truth & its claims it will be a difficult but very 
important field no man with ordinary prudence need fear from 
violence as all parties desire peace. 

Below Leavenworth about 8 to 10 miles is Delaware, a point until 
the present season wholly under proslavery influences it is now 
changing hands & would be a good spot for an out post from 
Leavenworth. It has about 500 inhabitants. Below this near 30 
miles is Quindaro a town started entirely under free state influences 


during the past Winter, it contains several hundred inhabitants has 
a Cong. Soc organized & contemplate securing a preacher as soon 
as one is found as they think just adapted. They hope from the 
start to be free from the necessity of foreign help in this I think 
they will be disappointed. Wyandot is just below at the confluence 
of the Mo. & Kansas rivers started about the same time as the last 
& a rival to it, with about the same number of inhabitants. should 
either become a large place, it would eventually absorb the other. 

From Leavenworth going up the river the first place of sufficient 
importance to require the attention of the Soc. is Atchison named 
after the great Senator; it was started as an ultra pro slavery town, 
& has been the most rabid & dangerous town in Kansas, it is the 
home of one of the Stringfellows & has been notorious as the place 
where the "Squatter Sovereign" is published & where Rev. Pardee 
Butler was tarred & feathered then tied to a log, & sent down the 
Mo. river. 45 

Now, it is earning for itself quite a different character. Gen. 
Pomeroy & others, thinking it was one of the best points on the river 
have bought out a large part of the property, set up a good hotel, 
put a first rate free state editor at the head of the "Sovereign" & are 
introducing the best class of eastern emigrants who are quite anxious 
to have someone sent from your Soc. to "open to them the Scrip- 
tures/' 46 About 5 miles above this is another town just emerging 
from its bondage to slavery. Gen Lane is at the head of affairs here 
& has associated with him quite a number of the "old free settlers" 
from other points. 47 

The land office is located here which with its enterprising citizens 
renders it quite a formidable rival to Atchison. These two points 
need at once a missionary. The people are anxious, & there would 
be no opposition from any quarter, together with the neighbor- 
hoods in the vicinity several thousand settlers could be reached 
in some way by a faithful missionary, & part of his support could 
be secured. Rev. Mr. Woodford is thinking of this field & probably 

45. David Rice Atchison served as a United States senator from Missouri from 1843 
to 1855. The principal phases of his career are described in the Dictionary of American 
Biography (New York), v. 1, pp. 402, 403. John H. Stringfellow and Robert S. Kelley 
started the Squatter Sovereign at Atchison on February 3, 1855. Wilder, op. cit., p 56. 
The trying experience of Butler is described in Personal Reminiscences of Pardee Butler 
(Cincinnati, 1889), pp. 106-109. 

46. The executive committee of the New England Emigrant Aid Company authorized 
S. C. Pomeroy on March 9, 1857, to develop a town on the Missouri river. Pomeroy 
believed that the Proslavery town of Atchison would be most desirable. In arrangements 
worked out with Robert McBratney, the agent of the Cincinnati emigration society, and 
others, Pomeroy secured the controlling interest in the town and ownership of the Squatter 
Sovereign. Edgar Langsdorf, "S. C. Pomeroy and the New England Emigrant Aid Com- 
pany, 1854-1858," The Kansas Historical Quarterly, v. 7 (November, 1938), pp. 394, 395. 

47. The reference here is to Doniphan. Lane became a part owner of the Crusader of 
Freedom, founded by James Redpath, which was as strong for the Free-State cause as the 
Doniphan Constitutionalist had been for the Proslavery cause. Andreas-Cutler, op. cit., 
p. 475. 


would have visited there, were it not that he has been sick for a 
few days. 

Above these points, there is none quite so promising, there 
are however, about 50 or 60 miles above Doniphan, 2 points near 
together named Iowa Point & White Cloud where the labors of a 
man could be profitably employed though not destined to be 
large places yet the country about them is full of actual settlers & 
in four or five different localities not 10 miles apart a congregation 
of about 50 could be collected. 

I was surprised to find the settlers, in the north eastern portion 
of Kansas, such as they are, they are mostly from the north intelli- 
gent, thrifty, enterprising men & they possess a country that will 
richly reward their energies, & from the indications, everywhere we 
must now have a population of more than 100,000, & nearly the 
entire number are unsupplied with ministers sympathizing with 
your Soc. 

I hope to start tomorrow for the western part of the Territory, 
& from the enormous expense of travelling etc. I shall get over the 
ground as soon as possible. 

Yours truly 
S. Y. LUM. 

LAWRENCE KANSAS July 10, 1857 

A longer time has elapsed since writing my last than I intended 
but circumstances have been such as to render the delay necessary. 
My last trip was one of great fatigue, owing to the extreme heat & 
drouth, which now prevail through the Territory We have had 
no rain of any importance since early spring, & every thing is parch- 
ing up the thermometer too is standing daily in the shade from 
90 to 98 Thus you can imagine the circumstances of one travelling 
on horse-back, or in an open conveyance over these shadeless prai- 
ries. Were it not that I feel the work imperatively important I 
should remain in the most quiet & cool situation attainable. Last 
week I started to visit the Kansas valley, westward. 

The first town west of this is Lecompton, 12 miles distant. I 
should rather say the 1st town of any importance for there are 3 
projected towns, which we pass through on the valley road. I men- 
tioned Lecompton, on a previous occasion, though as a pro-slavery 
town at first, it is now mostly occupied by Free State men to the 
number of some 500. They are without preaching ( almost entirely, ) 


but the place would not be an enviable one in any point of view 
though perhaps it is none the less important to be filled About 
4 miles south, there is already organized a Congl. Chh under the 
care of a Missionary from the American Miss. Association. 48 

About 5 miles west, & about an equal distance from the river, is 
Big Spring not much of a town, but filled with settlers, all the 
"claims" having families upon them. This is one of the points at 
which Rev. Mr. Shepperd, your missionary, is preaching. 49 From 
this point it is 5 miles to Tecumseh on the Kansas River. This is 
getting to be quite a town; & as the river is now being bridged at 
that point, so that trade & travell will be attracted to it, it will furnish 
a good field for the labor of Mr. Shepperd. 

Five miles further west is Topeka, the "Free State Capitol" 
where Mr. Bodwell is located. His people are anxiously looking 
for his return, to minister both, to their spiritual & temporal wants. 50 
From present appearances, this is the most promising church in the 
Territory, though not in as important a position as the one at Law- 
rence. West of Topeka for 30 miles is the Reserve of the Potta- 
watomie & of course unsettled by white men. 2/2 miles about this 
Reserve, we come to Wabaunsa, settled by the colony from Conn. 
Here I spent the last Sabbath of June & assisted in the organization 
of a Congl. Chh. 51 

They have no house in which to worship, but are preparing a 
temporary one, & the trustees of the church have in their hands a 
sufficient fund to secure the erection of a good substantial edifice 
The church was formed in a grove, near what now constitutes the 
village, & to all present it seemed an occasion of the deepest interest. 
The church, at its formation numbers near 30, & contains more 
men of education than any other in the Territory. At present they 
are supplied by a Missionary of the A. M. Assn. who preaches also 
at another little church at Queendale 5 or 6 miles distant. . . . 

48. The American Missionary Association was organized on "Bible principles" in New 
York City in 1846 by individuals who felt that the American Home Missionary Society 
was not taking a strong enough stand on the antislavery question. The association was 
nonsectarian although the support came primarily from Congregationalists. Colin Brum- 
mitt Goodykoontz, Home Missions on the American Frontier (Caldwell, Idaho, 1939), pp. 

49. The Rev. Paul Shepherd started his work in Kansas in 1856. Correll, op. ctt. f 
p. 199. 

50. The Rev. Lewis Bodwell preached his first sermon in Topeka as the regularly 
appointed minister of the Congregational church on October 26, 1856. The career of 
Bodwell, based on correspondence with the American Home Missionary Society, is de- 
scribed in detail in Russell K. Hickman, "Lewis Bodwell, Frontier Preacher; the Early 
Years," The Kansas Historical Quarterly, v. 12 (August, November, 1943), pp. 269-299; 

51. The Connecticut Kansas Colony, known as the "Beecher Bible and Rifle Colony," 
was established at "Waubonsa" in April, 1856, according to a letter of Charles B. Lines 
to the New Haven (Conn.) Daily Palladium. Lum preached the sermon on that occasion. 
Interesting letters from Lines are found in Pantle, loc. cit., pp. 1-50; 138-188. 


Some 8 miles further up the river is the settlement of Ashland, first 
settled by Free State men from Ky. It is mostly under the influence 
of the Campbelites. 52 Bro. Blood of Manhattan has a station here, 
& preaches once in 3 weeks. 

Still west of this there are no villages of sufficient importance to 
call for a stated ministry. There are a number of small communi- 
ties up the Smoky Hill & Republican forks, where a man, not con- 
fined by family to any one locality might travel & preach as oc- 
casion offered. One of these stations, on Republican fork about 
20 miles from Manhattan, is occupied by Bro. Blood of Manhattan 
once in three weeks. 

Descending the river, on the North side, from Fort Riley which 
is only a Military station & supplied by a chaplain we first find 
the town of Ogden, just out side of the Military reserve. Here is 
located the land office for the Western division of the Territory. 
. . . Rev. Mr. Parsons formerly of Cape Cod, Mass is preaching 
at this place, though not any connection with any Miss Society. 53 
Twelve miles below this is Manhattan, where Rev. Mr. Blood resides 
with his family. ... 

Thus you will perceive that I have visited all the important points 
of the Kansas valley, & north of it. Next week I intend starting for 
the south of the Territory; & from what I learn I shall find more 
destitution than I have in the north I have felt compelled to lay 
by for a week, the heat has been so excessive. 

Yours truly, 

S. Y. LUM 


July 25, 1857 

When I wrote you a little more than a week ago I expected to 
be ( at this time ) in the South part of the Territory, & I did start, as 
I contemplated, but was unable to travel but two days, the reason 
is the excessive heat we are now experiencing, for about 10 days 
past our weather, has been the most oppressive I ever knew, the heat 
soon after sun rise indicating 90 & upwards & during the day, 
rising as high as 102 to 107 & continuing up to 96 & 98 until near 
sun down. I travelled 2 such days laying up during the middle of 

52. The Campbellites are known as the Disciples of Christ or members of the Christian 
Church. They trace their origin to Thomas and Alexander Campbell. The first congre- 
gation was established at Brush Creek, Penn., in 1811. William Warren Sweet, The 
Story of Religions in America (New York, 1930), pp. 340-344. 

53. The Rev. J. U. Parsons came to Ogden in 1855. Correll, op. cit., p. 197. 


the day, & I found it producing such an effect on my head as to 
render it extremely unsafe to continue. I have therefore felt it my 
duty to suspend my investigations until I can travel more safely, & 
if it be the wish of the Soc. I shall commence against just as soon 
as possible. 

During the 2 days I mentioned, I visited 2 places about 20 miles 
south of Lawrence, the one Prairies City is almost entirely in the 
hands of the Methodists, they have established a College there, 
& will bring it mostly under their influence 54 at the other, Cen- 
tropolis I found a few Congregational brethren, who were anxious 
to have a man from your Soc. The town itself is but small, but the 
country around is filled with settlers, there being but few claims un- 
taken, & they will need a business centre. 

From what I learn from reliable sources, I am led to believe 
that there is need of more men in the south part of the Territory 
than in the North, but I shall know more definitely when I visit 
there as it is, according to my judgment the following places 
need preachers immediately: Leavenworth, Doniphan, Quindaro 
if they have made no arrangements for themselves & Centropolis. 

Grasshopper Falls is already supplied by Bro. Woodford. 55 I 
think I shall not fail to find an equal number in the South At 
Indianola & Kansapolis, if Bro. Bodwell finds his hands full on the 
south side of the river. There must also be a man; Indianola is 
growing rapidly. And perhaps a man could be found who could 
make his mark upon Lecompton. it would be a difficult work, & 
a hard field & I would not advise its occupancy while other im- 
portant points are destitute. Unless we succeed in getting a man 
adapted for this field, Lawrence before the arrival of your Mis- 
sionaries I do hope there will be one of their number, just the man. 
We are suffering not a little already shall suffer in important 
respects unless we are supplied before long, & we are not able as 
we hoped to support him ourselves. Some of the Soc. are anxious 
to know whether it would be possible to receive help from the 
A. H. M. Soc. in giving more than your accustomed salary. I can- 
not answer them. 

Yours truly, 

S. Y. LUM 

54. A charter was granted by the territorial legislature to the Kansas Educational 
Association of the Methodist Episcopal Church on February 3, 1858, for establishing an 
institution of learning which is known as Baker University, Baldwin City. Andreas-Cutler, 
op. cit., p. 355. The background factors in the founding of Baker University are de- 
scribed in Homer Kingsley Ebright, The History of Baker University (Baldwin, 1951), 
pp. 37-54. 

55. See Footnote 43. 


LAWRENCE, KANSAS. Oct 5th 1857 

I have just completed a tour of exploration, through the South 
part of the Territory; & I find it everywhere filling up with the 
enterprising & intelligent free state settler [s]. I was hardly pre- 
pared to find so many centers, where should be immediately set 
up the standard of the Cross. Two thirds of the entire territory 
lies south of the Kansas river & yet except at Lawrence & To- 
peka upon that river there has never been a missionary in con- 
nection with your Soc. permanently located. It is now assuming 
an importance that demands attention 

In a former letter I spoke of Centropolis, & in passing through 
it again, I found several families that greatly desire the labors of a 
missionary they have only occasional preaching from a Meth- 
odist brother but as I found afterward other places of more im- 
portance this must give place to them for the present. In a south 
east direction about 25 miles distant is Ohio City, a thriving 
town, of but few months growth, giving promise of a prosperous 
future The country about it is all settled up so that it is the center 
of a population of several hundreds, & from present appearances 
the village population will rapidly increase. . . . 

From this point it is about 30 miles S.E. to Moneka on Sugar 
Creek about 12 miles from the Mo. line but little has been 
done on the town site, & yet amoung the first things, they have 
commenced the erection of a building 25 by 40 feet for school 
purposes, the 2nd story to be used for a preaching hall. I was 
told that at any time a congregation could be secured, of at least 
100, some of the leading men are desirous to be supplied from 
your Soc. though in the vecinity there are quite a number of 
"spiritualists" who of course would not look with favor upon such a 
movement. They intend starting a "manual labor school" It seems 
important that truth should enter the field, at the very onset if it 
would contend successfully with such dangerous error. Moneka 
derives some prospective importance from the fact that as the 
Pacific R. R. looks for a passage away from the Mo River & less 
expensive Southern Kansas presents itself fertile & fast filling 
with a dense population & it is upon the most direct rout. This 
matter has been already under discussion by the director [s] of 
P. R. R. 

But a short distance from Moneka there are several points that 


would occupy part of the time of a Missionary. Paris 6 miles 
distant & Mapleton 15. Nearly west, 30 miles distant, on the 
head waters of the Pottowatomie I found Hyatville, but little de- 
veloped as yet, & perhaps sufficiently supplied, as I learned they 
have frequent, if not regular preaching, orthodox in its character. 

Travelling S.W. for 25 miles I reached the Neosho river, it is next 
in size to the Kansas, & it is dotted with little towns all struggling 
for the supremacy. I intended to strike the river at Neosho City, 
but as I was travelling without guide, compass or trail, over an 
entirely new country, I fell below about 8 miles at LeRoy much 
larger than Neosho, though of but little importance. (Should the 
enthusiastic proprietors of these numerous towns become ac- 
quainted with my appreciation of their "important locations" they 
would pay but little honor to my judgment I fear, as each seem to 
think that just upon their spot is concentrated all the peculiar ad- 
vantages of the entire region.) 

The entire Neosho valley is settled, where any timber can be 
secured, & often, all that is in the vicinity of timber. As we travel 
up it, we are continually passing improvements that remind us of 
the older States. The first town that seems to demand immediate 
attention from the Soc. is Burlington on the south side of the 
river opposite Hampden this last mentioned place you will 
remember as the place where the colony from Mass with Rev. Mr. 
Knight located more than 2 years ago, in building a town they 
have done nothing as yet, though they begin to give signs of life, 
in this vicinity. 56 There are ten individuals desirous of forming 
themselves into a church to be under the care of your Soc. 

At Burlington there is already quite a town with as I think a good 
prospect. Between the two a missionary could be most profitably 
employed while within 15 miles there are 3 other little centers. 
Rev. Rodney Payne has gone down there but whether he will locate 
or not I cannot tell. 57 I had thought of sending one of the four 
to this field. But if Mr. Payne is the man, there will be room enough 

Up the valley of the Neosho, there are several smaller towns. 
N. W. of Hampden & 30 miles distant between the Neosho & Cot- 
tonwood is Emporia, this seems a natural point & has already a 
numerous population depending upon it, several towns (as is usu- 
ally the case at a good point) have been laid out near by but 

56. The Rev. Richard Knight organized the Congregational church at Hampden in 
1856. Correll, op. cit., p. 195. 

57. The Rev. Rodney Paine settled as a Congregational missionary at Burlington in 
1857. Ibid., p. 197. 


this, seems to lead in the race, & must be supplied this fall. 58 One 
fact renders this more important. There is an effort to establish a 
Unitarian Soc. there, which perhaps would not be attempted should 
there be a preacher of Jesus on the field. South of this on the 
Verdigris crowds of settlers are pushing in & taking possession of 
the best locations Here will soon be new fields for operations. 
On the return from Emporia I passed over the high prairie, called 
the divide between the Kansas & the Neosho, it is beautiful & fertile, 
but will not be settled until the timbered land is all taken. 

From this survey I have become fully impressed with the absolute 
need that there should be more laborers in the field The country 
is rapidly filling up with men who need, more than ordinary emi- 
grants, the restraining influences of the Gospel. Kansas is develop- 
ing as no new state except perhaps California has done, & de- 
veloping with all the elements of permanence. The question of its 
being free, is settled; though the will of the people may be de- 
feated for a little while longer, the end is certain, humanly speak- 
ing. Your Soc. in company with kindred societies, has done much 
to secure this result. The temporal as well as spiritual interests 
of the people, are advanced most under an efficient ministry. Those 
towns give most evidence of permanent prosperity, where the 
earnest faithful preacher, was on the ground at the very beginning 
& in view of this I hope that the Society will feel it within the 
limits of their ability, to send 2 or 3 more here this fall. They can 
be employed to good advantage. Mr. Morse has just arrived; & 
starts, if it is pleasant, tomorrow, for the Southern part of the 
Territory He was ordained previous to starting. 

The long talked of election has passed so far as we have heard 
without excitement. In this Co. the entire free state ticket is 
elected; & we can be free of local Border-ruffian rules. I very much 
fear, the general result will be against us; as in some districts heard 
from, large numbers of imported votes were poled. 59 If we are de- 
feated, it will be with much caution that we take the next 
step. . . . 

Yours etc. 
S. Y. LUM. 

58. The Rev. Grosvernor Morse, a member of the Andover band, began his work at 
Emporia shortly after Lum's visit there. A description of Morse's career is found in 
Cordley, Pioneer Days in Kansas, pp. 14-18. 

59. Lum was mistaken as to the results of this election because the Free-State party 
controlled both the council and the house. An analysis of the election is found in Wilder, 
op. cit., pp. 192-194. 


LAWRENCE KANSAS, Nov. 16th 1857 

I suppose that my labor for the Soc. is (for the present) ac- 
complished. Three of the brethren from Andover have arrived & 
entered their fields of labor. 60 Of the two first Mr. Stors & Morse 
I hear encouraging reports & the prospect is that they are just the 
men, for the places to which they are assigned. Mr. Parker has just 
entered his field at Leavenworth, the most important & perhaps 
the most difficult missionary field in the Territory, he has not been 
on the field sufficiently long, to know what can be accomplished. 
. . . Bro Cordley has not appeared yet on the ground ill health 
detained him in Michigan. We are now looking for him every 
day, & expect him to take up his possition at Lawrence. . . . 61 

The members of churches East are not the only individuals, who 
should feel deeply interested in sending the right kind of mission- 
aries to Kansas true the work of saving men is their first work 
& the influence of the truth they preach will be mainly to free from 
the slavery to sin, but apart from this they are doing another 
work of no small value. They are exerting an influence more 
mighty than any other, to overthrow that great American Curse, 
slavery. In my exploration of the Territory I have found that 
those places more than any others where a pure gospel was 
preached have been centers of a mighty influence for Freedom. 
Such communities are always more reliable in any emergency. 

All your Missionaries in Kansas are men of this stamp, & the 
lovers of Freedom even though not lovers of God have a deep 
interest in sustaining an agency that sends forth such an influence. 
I trust that until Kansas is free from all kinds of slavery, it will not 
be compelled to abate one iota of all that it desires to do for God & 

The Constitutional Convention that has been sitting at Lecomp- 
ton, has accomplished its work & adjourned, a constitution is 
framed not to be submitted to the people, though one of its pro- 
visions is to be voted upon, a provisional government is appointed 
to go in operation previous to the sitting of the Territorial Legis- 
lature to prevent that body from doing anything to inturrupt the 

60. Lum refers to the famous Andover band, Richard Cordley, Roswell D. Parker, 
Sylvester D. Storrs, and Grosvernor C. Morse. Cordley settled at Lawrence, Parker at 
Leavenworth, Storrs at Quindaro, an d Morse at Emporia. The Andover band is described 
in Cordley, Pioneer Days in Kansas, pp. 7-30. 

61. Cordley arrived in Lawrence on December 2, 1857. He presents an interesting 
description of his trip to Kansas. Ibid., pp. 31-54. 



operation of the plan marked out by the Convention. 62 Thus our 
Free State triumph is a nullity a Pro Slavery Constitution is to 
be fastened upon us "nolentes volentes" & even before it has been 
passed upon by Congress. Perhaps such a course will succede; We 
shall see. It looks as though there might be some spice ahead, 
though we are getting pretty well used to that sort of thing. While 
such despots plan & rave, it is a pleasant peaceful thought to the 
Christian that "The Lord reigneth." . . . 

Your brother 

S. Y. LUM. 

LAWRENCE Dec. 30th 1857 

Your letter came to hand by last mail, & I shall try to take an 
early opportunity to comply with your request To day I write 
on business. My last letter containing the statement of expenses 
incurred for the Soc. last Summer may not have reached you as I 
have not heard from it though I have been waiting several weeks 
in expectation. 

As it may be some fault of the mails I send it herewith. I am 
truly sorry to learn of the state of the Soc. finances for I am satisfied 
that to Kansas it will be most unwelcome news. Your Missionaries 
here are all of them in a situation where they must suffer absolutely 
without their accustomed remittance. The hard times falls most 
heavily upon them because in addition to the absence of money, 
every thing is at enormously high prices. Think of $13. thirteen 
dollars a barrel for flour 6 to 8 for corn meal molasses from 
$1.15 to $1.50 per gallon potatoes $1.25 bush. 6- every thing in 
proportion. With a prospect of much higher rates before Spring, 
& you can imagine our situation. I know of some of your Mission- 
aries who are without a dollar & some who are even worse than 
that. A family cannot live with comfort on $600, (for to begin 
with, the rent of two rooms will cost near % of it). What can they 
do if the supply is withheld. 

One of your Missionaries (Rev. Mr. Morse) in order to avoid 
the expense of rent, hired money to put up a little home, for which 

62. The delegates to the Lecompton constitutional convention assembled on September 
7, 1857. The convention adjourned on September 11, to meet on October 19. It finally 
adjourned on November 3. The one provision to be voted upon, as described by Lum, 
is found in section 7 of the "Schedule," namely, the "Constitution with slavery" or the 
"Constitution with no slavery." The Lecompton constitution is printed in Wilder, op. cit., 
pp. 177-191. An interesting study of the background of the delegates is found in Robert 
W. Johannsen, "The Lecompton Constitutional Convention: An Analysis of Its Member- 
ship," The Kansas Historical Quarterly, Topeka, v. 23 (Autumn, 1957), pp. 225-243. 


agreeing to pay an enormous rate of interest (which was better 
than to pay rent) confidentally expecting the next quarters remit- 
tance would give him the ability to meet his engagements. (I 
signed on the note ) & in a few days it must be paid. but how. I 
fear by sacrificing his home or by my sacrificing for him. I do not 
think that the churches have a right to permit their servants to be 
thrown into such positions of distress. Let them think of our possi- 
tion, first in a new country like this, money is of necessity 
much more scarce than in an older one. Next all the necessities of 
life, are three or four times as high in price, with no resource to 
which we can turn for relief. 

I do not write this to urge that I be treated better than my com- 
panions in arms, but through fear that the account, or the remit- 
tance might have miscarried. It is true, I am in more straightened 
circumstances than I have ever been before. In making the tour 
of the Territory I left my crops upon which I was depending for the 
support of my family much to my pecuniary disadvantage & am 
by that cause several hundred dollars behind, but if any good has 
been done I am satisfied. . . . 

Yours truly 

S. Y. LUM. 

LAWRENCE KANSAS March 8th, 1858 

Your letter making a call upon me for a March report has re- 
mained for a few days unattended to while I have been busily en- 
gaged, watching with a sick wife. Now I feel it cannot be put off 
longer & attend to it, though not as fully as I could wish. Would 
that you & the churches & the "y un g ministers" of the East could 
get a view of this most important field such as only a residence with 
us could give. Its demands would then be more promptly met, & 
the numbers of laborers sustained by your Soc. would be greatly 
increased. In no respect is Kansas an ordinary field, & it cannot 
be made to conform to ordinary rules, it must be furnished with the 
living preachers in numbers to keep pace with the influx of popula- 
tion, & that tide rolls in upon us by thousands. In little over three 
years, the wild unbroken prairie is teeming with life crowded with 
busy intelligent farmers, & the towns are springing up as if by 
magic are crowded by thousands of earnest business men & me- 


Today we have a population sufficient to claim admittance as one 
of the "sovreign" states of the Union. The A. H. M. Soc. has done 
for these communities what it could, during the past year six have 
been sent out & are now all of them I think wielding a mighty in- 
fluence for good in large & rapidly growing communities, this 
swells the number under the direction of the Soc to (10) ten, 
ministering to over twenty congregations. Dividing the popula- 
tion equally amoung them each man would have the care of 10,000 
souls, scattered over a country of some 50 miles square & embrac- 
ing several centers of influence. . . . 

The importance of placing the communities, that are springing 
up all over the Territory, under the influence of Gospel institutions 
cannot be over estimated no one who has not had an experience 
formed on the ground can appreciate the strength of the current, 
setting against truth & duty, nothing but the presence of the man 
of God, nothing but the force of truth, as it flows from his lips & 
life & shines in his life, can oppose even a partial barrier to its 
impetuous tide, as it bears the great majority on to ruin. It is 
heart rendering to witness the defection of many who were con- 
cidered lights in the churches from which they came. All former 
associations are broken up, all former barriers removed, the nar- 
row way in which it seemed easy to walk, while it was walled on 
either side, now that those walls are broken down, becomes less & 
less defined, until it is well nigh lost amoung the thousand bye paths 
that digress from it. Many a professed child of God gets bewildered 
& lost in one or another of these digressions. 

For these reasons it seems that the work in which the A. H. M. 
Soc. is engaged is of all others the most important. Churches at 
the East would suffer less by the absence of the ministry, for they 
have more colateral influences to confine & control the passions of 
men. They are surrounded by temptations less in number & in- 

The work is a promising one. The fruit of his labor, may not be 
always so immediately apparent numbers may not be seen flock- 
ing into the Kingdom of God under his efforts. Yet the preparation 
that will ultimate in such results is being secured, the ground is be- 
ing broken, the tough roots of a rank vegetation, are thrown up to 
the action of light & heat, & a rich, mellow, & fruitful field will ere 
long be the consequence. God grant that many laborers may 
speedily enter this great garden of the West. . . . 

Yours truly. 

S. Y. LUM. 

William Sutton White, Swedenborgian Publicist 





Theology and Science 

IF broadly interpreted, the factor most disturbing to the theology 
of the decade of the 1870's, was the scientific mode of verifica- 
tion of everything that had been held to be knowledge. Such a 
statement of the question is so comprehensive as to cover more 
than the formal sciences. To do justice to the situation and all 
points of view, nothing less will meet the requirements of fair and 
equitable intellectual operations. More rigidly rational methods 
were being employed by many within the traditional scope of theol- 
ogy. At some points a substantial recognition was in evidence of 
social responsibilities of religion implicit in the rapid mechanization 
and urbanization of society. In that context, the emergence of more 
systematic, if not altogether scientific, methods for organizing and 
interpreting social data exerted important influences even among 
those who were not yet self-conscious about Comte, Spencer, Marx, 
and Darwin. The controversies about the interpretation of the 
statistical data of the federal census of 1870 and the deficiencies 
of its method and execution, and the near-revolutionary methods 
employed in the enumeration of 1880 left their mark. Among the 
formal sciences, the impact of geology and its allied disciplines had 
exerted a longer-term influence than the biological theories asso- 
ciated with Darwin. But the new impetus given to linguistic study 
and the criticism of written documents, supplemented by archeo- 
logical discoveries in the eastern Mediterranean area, associated 
with the history of Judaeo-Christian religion, and the crude begin- 
nings of the anthropology all entered sooner or later into most any 
extended consideration of theology. 

Wichita was no exception. During the latter part of 1877, 
Harsen, the Presbyterian minister since 1871, reviewed from a lib- 
eral point of view the doctrines of the "Westminster Confession of 
Faith," the seventh and last of his series of sermons dealing with 

DR. JAMES C. MALIN, associate editor of The Kansas Historical Quarterly and author of 
several books relating to Kansas and the West, is professor of history at the University of 
Kansas, Lawrence. 



the creation. Incidentally, this is the series that opened the rift 
between him and the more literally orthodox members of his con- 
gregation, and led to his resignation in April, 1879. In his discourse 
on the "Creation*' he dismissed the literal interpretation of the Bib- 
lical account because it was intenable in the light of geology. At 
the same time he examined the scientific theories and dismissed 
them also. Other theories that made allowances for greater duration 
of time than "six days" six revolutions of the earth around the 
sun while not completely satisfying, he tentatively accepted them 
because there were no better ones. 

Editor White, after reporting the substance of Harsen's survey, 
pointed out that the best authorities rejected the theories that the 
minister thought the more tenable, citing his authorities by author 
and title. Among other scientific procedures, he cited philology, the 
linguistic approach, as one form of authoritative evidence. 1 White 
was unhappy about one aspect of Harsen's performance. Although 
he had reason to believe that the speaker was acquainted with "an 
interpretation which is rational, scientific, and scriptural," he made 
no reference to it. By this White meant Swedenborg's account of 
creation, but the name was not specified and the matter was not 
pushed. Indeed, the course of a minister was not easy. A few 
weeks later, Bishop Bowman, of the Methodist church, delivered a 
similar sermon, apparently taking comparable ground on the so- 
called "long day" theory. Again Wliite disagreed. But one point 
more is worthy of mention as evidence about how seriously this 
generation took the subject. For two hours the bishop "riveted the 
attention of the entire audience" except a heavy weight of the 
Wichita bar "who slept the sleep of the innocent" during the whole 
time. 2 

The Methodist church sponsored a lecture series during three 
winters, the early months of 1879, 1880, and 1881. Conspicuous 
among the speakers were men who, at the time, were making sci- 
ence and religion a lecture specialty. George E. Wendling, sched- 
uled for January, 1879, cancelled his engagement on account of 
illness but appeared in 1880 to deliver his reply to Ingersoll. Paige 
appeared for three lectures, February 9-11, 1880; "The Origin and 
Growth of the Worlds," "The Evolution of Life," and "Life." White 

1. The books specifically cited were Eleazar Lord, The Epoch of Creation, Edward 
Hitchcock, Religion of Geology, John Anderson, The Course of Creation. He referred also 
to the Rev. Dr. Dickinson's introduction to Lord's book, and referred to the work of Dr. 
Chalmers, of Scotland, without citing the title. Wichita Weekly Beacon, November 21, 

2. Ibid., January 30, 1878. 


was convinced only that the speaker was a materialist, who betrayed 
religion in his own house. If White's reports were accurate, Paige's 
information and logic were both quite faulty. 3 The Wendling lec- 
ture of 1880 drew the fire of the Rev. A. L. Vail, Baptist minister, 
who pointed out, among other things, how in one form or another 
William Paley's old argument was only given a new dress. Vail 
insisted the finite mind could not prove God, the infinite: "The Bible 
does not prove God, it announces him." White added that 
Wendling's lecture contributed nothing new; that he was merely an 
elocutionist. 4 It was when Wendling came in 1881 that White 
branded him as a Sartor Resartus a mere mender of old clothes. 5 
Vail presented his own views on "Creation" during the summer of 

1880, and in announcing the presentation White defined the situa- 
tion in his characteristic fashion: 

A subject of great interest to the scientific and theological mind. From 
his stand point, that of literal record and not a divine allegory, Mr. Vail wall 
handle it with ability, and he will interest his hearers even though they differ 
from him. 

Possibly it is not necessary to record White's view, that of divine 
allegory according to Swedenborg, and that the minds of both Vail 
and White were each equally firmly fixed. 6 

White's views on science and religion were manifested in several 
ways, but some of them are appropriately entered into the record 
here. Darwinism had not reached the point of extensive contro- 
versy in this area and thus was given only brief attention. White 
pointed out that "Free determination was not a factor in Darwin's 
doctrine of the 'Survival of the Fittest.'" Again "it cannot apply 
to individuals who are supposed to live forever." Starting with man, 
freedom of choice is basic fact, a man's future is "not settled by an 
immutable law of the survival of the fittest." If it were, there would 
be no alternative to the "Presbyterian doctrine of predestination and 
foreordination." 7 "A true science is the essential basis of a true 
religion. . . ." was one of White's assumptions, and "man must 
reach God by the inductive process and must come back to himself 
by the deductive process." Not by external force nor by acts of 
legislation, does a man grow, only "by orderly development from 
within. All development is according to use." 

3. Ibid., January 15, 22, February 5, 1879; January 14, 21, February 11, 18, March 3, 

4. Ibid., March 24, 1880. 

5. Ibid., March 23, 1881. A Hatfield lecture was scheduled in 1881, ibid., AprU 6, 

1881, but was not adequately reported. 

6. Ibid., July 7, 1880. 

7. Ibid., May 10, 1882. 


White was convinced that "every mistake is an incentive and a 
basis for correction," and that eventually: 

He [man] will see clearly the effect in the cause, rather than, as now, the 
cause in the effect. . . . Knowing causes he will have much more patience 
in working out effects. ... He will know that the evil is in the cause, 
and not in the effect. ... He will see that causes are essentially internal 
and spiritual, and cannot be reached by any external remedy. 

For White, "God is the causative cause, . . . the central life 
of all life." 8 

At a session of the Allen Drug Store symposium, the principals 
were two physicians, one of the soul, and one of the body, and the 
subject was their respective public responsibilities. The physician 
of the body argued that his private and his public life were separate, 
his public responsibility attaching only to his professional character, 
while his opponent was bound equally in both aspects of life. But 
the physician of the soul concluded that "After all you are bound to 
be as good a man as I am," and after the laugh, added, "As good 
as I am, bound to be." The editor's verdict, when appealed to by 
the soul doctor, was that every man was obliged to be right as far 
as he had the light but the external social effects were different 
as among men. Significantly, the article was captioned: "Being 
and Seeming." 9 

During 1885 Henry Ward Beecher was delivering in New York 
a series of eight sermons on Evolution and Religion, later to be pub- 
lished in book form. The sixth of these was on "The Bible and Evo- 
lution," the purpose being a reconciliation of the two. White 
thought that Beecher and many others were assuming that evolu- 
tion was the standard of truth by which the Bible was to be 
measured, and according to that standard the fate of the Bible as 
true or false was to be determined. In other words, the Bible was 
true only to the extent that it agreed with and anticipated modern 
revelation by science. White stated his own position: "As a scien- 
tific theory it [evolution] relates to what we call nature, and to 
man as an animal, while the bible ... is a revelation of 
man's spiritual birth and regeneration." Under the circumstances 
White did not expect Beecher to remove any of the difficulties: 
"evolution is yet a mere theory, and in fact will always remain a 
hypothesis, more or less strongly buttressed by phenomena." 10 

During the same year a group of young men organized the 
Wichita Secular Union, or Liberal League and brought to the city a 

8. Ibid., September 20, 1882. 

9. Ibid., November 8, 1882. 

10. Wichita Daily Beacon, July 2, 1885. 


so-called liberal, A. O. Phelps, for a series of lectures. Exercising 
the prerogative of youth, who considered themselves intellectually 
emancipated and quite sophisticated, they framed the announce- 
ment of their enterprise in the following provocative language: 
"These are liberal lectures the kind that the 'truly good* call 'in- 
fidel/ All are invited. Lectures free. . . ." n 

After the first lecture, White reported that "in many respects Mr. 
Phelps impresses us very favorably," but "Mr. Phelps is as extrava- 
gant in his claims for Infidelity as the preachers are for so-called 
Christianity, as to what each has done for civilization/' He was 
given to exaggeration, to slovenly expression of thought, and as an 
advocate, was lop-sided, but for perspective, White turned to 
some general observations: 

The world has moved forward or backward by two great systems forward 
by truths, backward by falsities. Freedom of thought has been the prime mover 
in both, for there is freedom to think falsely as well as to think truly. The man 
of the church has been as much in freedom of thought as the man not in the 
church. Science has been as dogmatic as religion has been; and the man of the 
church of to-day is as fully in the freedom of thought as the so-called scientific 
thinker. The leaders of both find many servile followers. 

Hahnemann and Harvey were persecuted as bitterly by the scientifics of the 
past as the dissenters of the church were in their day. Gallileo, Bruno, Coper- 
nicus, Tycho Brhae were sneered at, persecuted and maligned by the scientists 
of their day fully as much as they were by the church. In fact, it is true that 
the [scientific] fraternity largely instigated the church to persecute them. In 
later days we sneered at Fulton, heaped ridicule on Morse, and called Darwin 
a fool. Free thought in the church, as in the scientific school has eliminated 
many errors. Truth in its entirety is the property of no man nor of any school. 

With these preliminaries disposed of, White took up some of 
Phelps' main points. First, the problem of infinite and finite. The 
lecturer had challenged Christianity on the ground that finite man 
can not comprehend any part of an infinite God such as the system 
presumed. In spite of this indictment of religious thought, the 
Phelps school of materialists posited eternal matter and infinite force. 
White pointed out the paradox, and spelled out the conclusion that 
if finite man could not comprehend an infinite God neither could he 
comprehend an infinite force: "Mr. Phelps said he was talking phil- 
osophically. Well, a good many philosophers have talked nonsensi- 
cally and irrationally. We insist on holding Mr. Phelps down to the 
full application of his doctrine of the unknowableness by the finite 
mind of the infinite subject/' Although Herbert Spencer was not 
named, the terminology of matter, force, and the unknowable sug- 
gest that Phelps was a disciple. 

11. Ibid., September 28, 1885. 


"Mr. Phelps said that religion was a matter of geography and 
brain boundary." that is an environmental determinist. White took 
the opposite extreme of heredity as a determinist, or at this point 
appeared to do so. But in the following paragraph he reasserted his 
usual contention. To Phelps' contention that if religion was true, it 
should produce the same results in Mexico as in Massachusetts, 
White countered that science should do likewise. But White insisted 
that in both cases: "Each receives according to his genius, accord- 
ing to his heredity, and variously according to his receptivity." 

Prayer was an object of Phelps' ridicule and White reminded him: 
"That was not scientific. A careful teacher will distinguish between 
form and essence between use and abuse. Prayer, in its essence, 
is the innermost desire of the soul, and all men not only receive but 
act from this principle/' Although objecting to the illustration of the 
mother-child relationship used, the old bachelor "self-abnegator," at 
any rate, revealed himself in the correction offered: "Every act of 
the mother is in answer to the prayer of the child. The child is a 
bundle of prayer appealing to the mother." It might reach for a 
flame or for the moon. So man might "ask for the impossible or the 
hurtful." Apparently the statement had been made that, although 
there was no proof of God, yet, should there be one, Phelps could 
trust him without knowing anything about him and need not pray 
to him. White interjected: "Nothing could be more unscientific." 
The editor's view was that trust is in relation to knowledge. He sug- 
gested that Phelps "resurrected some old dogmas and then reburied 
them." Phelps claimed "that if a [theological] dogma was true four 
or five centuries ago, it ought to be true now." If so, White insisted 
that the same principle would apply to scientific dogmas. He re- 
minded Phelps that "a dogma is not the truth, but our apprehension 
of the truth . . ." and was subject to reappraisal. 12 

In WTiite's remarks introductory to his report on the next lecture, 
he conceded that from Phelps' standpoint the lecture was an able 
presentation: "But we object to his standpoint. We do not think 
it a central one." Two themes received attention in the report: a 
further comparative discussion of theological and scientific hypothe- 
ses, and a refutation of Phelps' evaluation of doubt. 

On the first of these subjects White stated his own view: 

Theology, so far as it is hypothetical, is scientific just as much as evolution is. 
Both are erected upon the experiences and observations of men, and science may 
be rational or irrational. The Ptolemaic system was scientific, but it was irra- 

12. Ibid., September 29, 1885. 


tional. Scientific theology has its free thinkers as well as Scientific Evolution, 
Conservation of Energy, the molecular or the atomic theories of scientists. 

Theology has its hypotheses and science so-called, has, if anything, more. 
Even the most exact sciences must start from axiomatic, self-evident truths, 
which the mind accepts, almost intuitively. Theology has its enlightened doubt- 
ers who have faith in better things, and more rational theories and systems of 
truth. It is in the loud-mouthed whoopers-up on the outskirts of thought who 
hold to the irrational dogmas so well, so soundly and so effectively denounced 
by Mr. Phelps. 

Two points may be placed in sharper focus at this stage of the 
presentation: first, systems of thought are frequently brought into 
a disrepute by irresponsible controversalists who confuse the essen- 
tial issues by injecting elements that are not central, secondly, nega- 
tive and destructive criticism is easy, offers opportunity for notoriety, 
but is not necessarily an evidence of any capacity for constructive 
or original thought. 

Phelps had opened his second lecture with a glorification of 
doubt; all advancement was "ascribed to doubt and the doubters." 
White condemned this extreme position as unphilosophical and un- 
scientific; 'It was a one-sided statement of the case, and that the 
unconsequential side the negative side. The truth is that doubt 
never accomplished anything/* Possibly he had forgotten the second 
and third of his own "Sartor Resartus" contributions to the Beacon 
of February and March, 1875, when he had taken the same ex- 
treme application of the Descartian principle of doubt. At any 
rate, a decade had intervened and now he replied to Phelps that: 
"It is the affirmative state of the mind that enables it to perform 
every act which is its own act. . . . The thinker constructs his 
philosophy not on doubt, but on faith. The doubting architect 
would never build a magnificent temple. The man who denies 
does not doubt or he would not deny. He denies because he sees 
intellectually and rationally, and then he constructs by rational 
faith/' In other words, denial is not rationally possible except the 
denier has faith, positive conviction about constructive thought. 
But lest he had been too negative in his criticisms, White con- 
cluded his remarks by asserting: "We like any man who can stir 
the people to think/* 13 

Phelps delivered four lectures in his series, the first three, Sep- 
tember 28-30, financed by the Secular Union, the fourth, October 
1, was a test of local interest, which was negative, the voluntary 
collection yielded only four dollars. This final lecture had ridiculed 

13. Ibid., September 30, 1885. 


the Christian plan of salvation. Whether or not he approved the 
method of argument is not clear, but White made his position un- 
equivocally clear that no literalist could answer Phelps or Inger- 
soll. 14 

The Secular Union's lecture series had focused attention 
upon two points of view; those of the materialist, Phelps, and the 
Swedenborgian theologian Editor White. So far as the orthodox 
Christian ministry was concerned both were heretics. The cham- 
pion of orthodoxy who entered the lists was the Rev. E. H. Edson, 
the rector of St. Johns Protestant Episcopal Church, a relative new- 
comer to Wichita. A young man himself, he issued an invitation 
directed "especially to the young men of the city," the formal 
published "card" being headlined: "To the Liberal League," and 
dated October 23, 1885. On successive Sunday evenings, a series of 
three lectures would be given on the general theme, "Evidences of 
Christianity." Evidently Edson intended to be tactful and correct 
in his approach, explaining carefully that: 

These lectures are not intended to be an answer to any man, nor a challenge 
to any. I respect the individual rights of all men, and no individual or class of 
individuals will be assailed. . . . From the title of your society and its 
work in the past I infer that you desire to receive light upon the subject of my 
lectures. . . . 

In response to the first lecture "One of the Liberals," or so he 
signed himself, reported "What they think of it," "dogmatic and 
pedagogical," and 

Mr. Edson quite mistakes the character, intelligence and experience of the 
members of the Secular Union, if he expects to effect any change of their 
views by the stale sylogistic sophisms and theological dogmas. The story of 
the watch found in the desert, etc. 

Every portion of matter exhibits phenomena, but no one can hence reason 
that these phenomena are the result of intelligent design. They are the 
product of the properties of matter. 

Of course, the young liberal was too immature philosophically 
to realize that he had given no answer to the question; he had only 
restated it in a different form which required him to explain how 
matter had acquired the identifiable properties which he assigned 
to it. 

"Another Liberal" criticized adversely Edson's title "The Evi- 
dences of Christianity" and demanded definitions of God, of Christi- 
anity, proof of the existence of God, or of the Christian conception 
of God. He insisted there are many Gods. He asked whether the 

14. Ibid., October 5, 1885. 


Edson God meant "an aggregate of natural forces," or "a person of 
parts and passions, a material substance, a something separate and 
apart from nature, or natural forces." Edson said that no one had 
proved there was no God, but the "Liberal" countered that Edson 
not only assumed a God, but requires "us to believe or be damned," 
and excluded all other Gods. In general terms the "Liberal" in- 
sisted that all people believed in Gods, and used the same argu- 
ment Edson used; even Thomas Paine would have accepted it. 
Furthermore "Liberal" pointed out that evidence of general truths 
did not prove that they were the exclusive property of Christianity. 
Also, even if the idea of God was accepted, that did not prove that 
the earth was made in six days, and "that he made man, and did 
such a bad job of it that it was necessary to murder a part of himself 
to correct the blunder, and that even this is only a partial correc- 
tion." In closing, the "Liberal" reminded Edson that he had 
promised information: "We hope he will define his terms and get 
down to business. . . . We want evidence, if he has it. Nothing 
but facts will do us. Let Mr. Edson try again." 15 

The second Edson lecture afforded no more satisfaction to the 
young men of the Secular Union than the first. The liberal who 
commented in a letter to the Beacon explained that he had not 
considered it "advisable to offer any criticisms on the stale absurdi- 
ties advanced . . ." and then continued sententiously: 
for it did not appear that those who had listened to such dogmas for many 
years, and who still hold allegiance to them, would patiently consider anything 
presented in opposition to them; and unprejudiced investigators in search of 
naked truth readily discovered that the lecture was but a series of postulates 
empty shells, pericarps of a past age, shed from an old theological tree that 
grew from the soil of ignorance in an atmosphere of superstition and dread. 

With reluctance, however, this "Liberal" yielded to the insistence 
of his associates. He conceded, in a qualified form, Edson's propo- 
sition that things are believed that are not known yes, tentatively, 
when not contrary to known facts. He rejected Edson's comparison 
of the morals of heathendom and Christianity by contrasting 
ancient Rome with modern England and America, challenging as 
a matter of method, the contrast of civilizations from different time 
periods. Lastly, "Liberal" rejected Edson's definition of God 
according to Edson, God "amounted to a nothing-something," and a 
miracle was a war against nature by this "nothing-something" in 
which nature is defeated for a time. 16 Without Edson's own lan- 

15. Ibid., October 24, 28, 30, 1885. 
18. Ibid., November 7, 1885. 


guage, or a more objective summary of it as a guide, it is impossi- 
ble to conclude with certainty what Edson had said. The wording 
reported implies that Edson's definition of God was in the tradi- 
tion of mystical Christianity under the influence of Neoplatonism. 
The miracle reference implies that "Liberal" was thinking in the 
mechanistic tradition of Greek philosophy which posited the prin- 
ciple that every effect must have a cause. The Swedenborg theol- 
ogy had followed the Neoplatonic version that made no exception 
even in the case of "miracles." 

The Beacon did not print any criticism of the third of Edson's 
lectures, from the liberal point of view, but White himself took 
over the task of summing up. The situation had become most 
complex and reflected much more than what appeared on the sur- 
face. The evidence is not available from which to make a satis- 
fying analysis, but some of the more obvious elements may be 
specified. Edson's tenure as rector had been brief, but the attend- 
ance had grown beyond the capacity of the church; the building 
was remodeled and enlarged, being completed in September, and 
officially recognized in the visit of Bishop Vail in mid-October. 
At that time Bishop Vail had been most tactful in complimenting 
the congregation and the rector, including a rather insistent ad- 
monition urged upon all, "the duty of ... tolerance in their 
dealings with one another. . . . The motto of the Church is 
'Unity in essentials, liberty in non-essentials and charity in all 
things/" As already noted, in another context, Edson preached 
his farewell sermon in March, 1886, explaining how he had been 
compelled to resign because of the issue of freedom of opinion. 
The Secular Union lectures had come immediately after Bishop 
Vail's visit. Here is a case where there was more fire than visible 

As commentator on the lectures, White was speaking as an out- 
sider as respects both the church and the union. Speaking of Ed- 
son's series: "The effort was certainly deserving of a larger hear- 
ing ... his style and matter indicate maturity of intellect." 
White made no attempt to summarize the doctrinal arguments, 
pointing out that as was necessary in order to convince others, Ed- 
son had first convinced himself of their validity: "He has dis- 
ciplined his intellect to implicit belief; after all, probably the most 
enviable state of mind." In conclusion White insisted that: "In 
these lectures, Mr. Edson has acquitted himself with much credit. 
They have been scholarly, earnest and eloquent and would make 
a good showing in printed form." One victory on White's part 


should not be passed over without recognition. By heroic effort 
he had refrained from disagreeing with anything said by either 
Edson or the liberal letter writers, or from using their remarks as a 
peg upon which to hang a Swedenborgian lecture. He had a more 
immediate and delicate office to perform. 

Edson did not get off unscathed. White wrote in much the 
same spirit which he had noted about four weeks earlier in re- 
porting Vail's visit: "The venerable Bishop Vail preached an af- 
fectionate discourse ... in which the advice of a father was 
mingled with the dignity of the sage." This is all the more note- 
worthy for White because Edson had taken exception to one of 
White's extended editorial essays on the theory of government and 
had persisted in having his say through several sharp exchanges. 
But returning to the Secular Union lectures question, White com- 

Mr. Edson is yet a young man. . . . Of course, as a young champion, he 
feels it incumbent on himself to make formal battle with the foes of Christianity, 
still the reporter doubts the efficacy of any set argument on this subject. If 
at this day Christianity is not a proved and substantiated fact, it can never be 
made so by discussion. 

The next step in the task of orienting the unfortunate controversy 
in the perspective of history demonstrated White's role as sage: 
It has been fifteen centuries now since Celsus [c. 180] made his celebrated 
argument against the religion of Christ. This covered every objection that 
has ever been urged, and is the quiver from which Voltaire, Payne, and In- 
gersoll and the whole crowd of infidels have drawn their keenest shafts. At 
the time this argument of Celsus was made Christianity was yet struggling for 
existence, and every point he made met with instant and hearty approval in 
both the literary and scientific circles of the [Roman] empire. The claims of 
Christianity were certainly effectually answered and refuted, so far as human 
reason could do it. But strange as it may seem, the Christians not only sur- 
vived this tremendous shock, but it seemed to inspire them. . . . [soon] 
pagan Rome bowed to the supremacy of the cross. 17 

Revivalist Methods 

Well established in the traditions of many of the Protestant re- 
ligious denominations was the annual revival meeting, or protracted 
meeting. Because services were held at least once a day over a 
period of some weeks, the regular pastor was assisted by other 
ministers of the community in some form of joint or co-operative 
effort, or a preacher and/or a singer was brought in often people 
who were more or less professional exhorters. When the Metho- 
dist revival was scheduled for February, 1877, Editor White agreed 

17. Ibid., November 9, 1885. The account of Vail's visit is in ibid., October 19, 1885. 


that "a revival of true religion is one of the great needs of the day." 
He objected however to emotionalism and excitement of fear as 
the basis of decision: 

Let us have a new departure in the methods and aims of this revival. Arouse 
and convince the rational faculties rather than appeal to the fear of punish- 
ment or the hope of reward, both of which are based upon pure selfishness 
which is the essence of hell. 

Again, placing the negative and the positive in contrast, and im- 
plying the term conversion as distinct from regeneration, he ad- 
monished: "Tell us that regeneration is not the operation of a mo- 
ment, nor of the duration of a revival . . . ; that it is the work 
of a lifetime, however lengthened. . . . Religion teaches men, not 
how to die, but how to live here, in order to live hereafter." Further- 
more, in emphasizing that conversion actuated by fear of punish- 
ment or hope of reward was "pure selfishness/' self-love, the source 
of evil and "the essence of hell," he emphasized in the positive 
sense that "true religion" includes not only the individual, but so- 
ciety, government, justice, equity, "that it is the very breath of the 
physical, moral and spiritual life of every man." All this was "New 
Church" doctrine, but without the label, and White was urging this 
doctrine in true Swedenborgian tradition; not as that of a compet- 
ing denomination or sect, but as a religion of life adapted into the 
existing churches, until unity of doctrine would ultimate in unity 
in one church: "Orderly, gradual and continuous growth is the law 
of the spiritual as well as the physical man." 18 

The following year White challenged the sermon of the Rev. J. P. 
Harsen, Presbyterian minister, on the conversion of Zacheus, insist- 
ing that it cannot be synonymous with regeneration. By conversion, 
White insisted, a man "has simply ceased to do evil; and then he 
must learn, gradually, to do well. He can, and will have to, learn 
while life lasts." Furthermore, he can never attain "the humanly 
possible state of regeneration." White persisted in urging the prac- 
tical importance of the distinction by arguing that the doctrine of 
instantaneous conversion and regeneration was not only untrue, but 
hurtful there were innumerable causes that have led up to a con- 
version. Harsen replied to the Beacon, defining his view of con- 
version and of sanctification, equating the latter term with White's 
term regeneration, not warranted by the Bible. In Harsen's lan- 
guage, regeneration is an act, not a process: "Regeneration is the 
work of God; conversion is the work of man." Evidently, the two 

18. Weekly Beacon, February 14, 1877. 


men were not using the same language, although they were using 
the same English words. 19 

Only a few selected examples can be used here, chosen to illus- 
trate so wide a variety of implications of revival practice as they 
stimulated White into action. One of these instances occurred in 
November-December, 1881, when the Rev. John Kelly was being 
assisted by a Mr. Gibler. The latter organized his sermon on re- 
demption under three heads: Who came? for what? and the 
scope of His work? The answer to the first question was that 
Christ came as the "representative man/' The second question was 
answered: "He came, only and solely, to die! ! ! That is so-called 
orthodoxy boiled down." White argued that if Christ came as a 
representative, a vicarious Savior, to assume the penalty for the 
sins of the world and expiate them on the Cross that and nothing 
else then he was totally distinct from God. That was inconsistent 
with his Godhead. 

Conventionally, the Cross was associated with death; but White 
insisted there is no death, not even of the natural body which never 
lived, only transformations of the material into successive recep- 
tacles of life in innumerable forms since Adam. In this context, 
Christ's material body did not die. In such a universe the only kind 
of death is of the soul, and this is not annihilation the soul is eternal 
but also mere change of form. The death from which Christ 
came to save men was the substantial death of the soul the kind 
of death that came into the world with the fall of Adam. God did 
not create death, "He is life. . . ." Spiritual death for man in 
this sense is suffering the torments of hell to eternity. If Christ was 
a substitute, a representative man, according to this reasoning he 
would be suffering the torments of hell to eternity. Actually, Christ's 
so-called death on the Cross was not redemption, it was a crime, 
murder, not a holy sacrifice, but incidental to redemption: "The 
real sacrifice He made, was in the consecration of His assumed hu- 
manity to the work of redemption. He came ... to point out 
the path of life and to remove ... the hellish obstacles that 
prevented man's from walking there in." The death of Christ on the 
Cross, at the hands of the Jews, White insisted, represented the con- 
summation of the Jewish church, done by the will and acts of de- 
praved men. Christ came to re-establish the Kingdom of God on 
earth and in heaven the Christian church to replace the Israelitish 

19. Ibid., February 20, 27, 1878. 


White was certain that the preacher was equally in error about 
the scope of Christ's works: "The Lord came, and comes contin- 
ually, not to save men from the penalty of their sins," but "to give us 
the truth, that it might persuade . . . us" and thus "save us 
from" further sinning. According to Swedenborg's rationalism, 
every sin had its penalty; for sins already committed the penalties 
followed as cause and effect, and according to order no penalty 
could be remitted or transferred not even the Lord could inter- 
vene contrary to order. 20 

At the revival meetings one type of religious doctrine was being 
expounded and the success of the effort in terms of conversions de- 
pended upon the ability of the exhorters to convince their hearers of 
the exclusive truth of their plan of salvation. On the other hand, 
White's unrelenting attack was devastating; his adverse criticisms of 
the validity of their doctrine, and his presentation of his own, argued 
with incisive logic, was directed to appeal to the rational faculty in 
contrast with emotion and fear. In addition to the issue of validity 
of religious doctrine in itself, he was repeatedly going further and 
was declaring unequivocally that the revivalist doctrines were not 
only false, but they were positively vicious, sinful, and that these 
"false doctrines" were "the cause of evil." That was his headline, 
and a few months earlier, he had declared with brutal directness that 
the doctrine of the "vicarious Atonement is ... the prime 
cause of social evils and disorders of the world. It amounts to a 
license to sin . . .," and under the delusion of escaping the pen- 
alties by a last minute "conversion." The plain implication was that 
this doctrine upon which the revival was based was a fraud perpe- 
trated by the church upon a gullible public that the "license to 
sin" had no efficacy. 21 In addition, the questions of religion and the 
liquor traffic, in its prohibition phase, had become entangled and the 
revivalists tended to make liquor and its associations the chief source 
of evil in Kansas. The fury of Kelly's blasts at the Wichita press and 
especially at the Beacon are thus easily understandable. 22 

Revival efforts continued through January, 1882, attention being 
focused for most of the month upon the efforts of a woman evange- 
list, a Mrs. Rogers. Evidently, White was much impressed by her 
personality and ability. At the close of her series of meetings he 
conceded the great interest she had aroused, but only time would 

20. Ibid., December 7, 1881. 

21. Ibid., August 3, 1881. 

22. Ibid., December 7, 14, 1881. This one, and later conflicts, have been presented in 
the section on "The Pulpit and the Press." 


tell, he warned, about the lasting results. Any failure, he reminded 
his readers, was not her fault, but her honesty, warmth of heart, and 
other qualities could prevent the evil results of false principles and 
irrational methods: 

A falsity in the church (a spiritual sphere) flows down with a demoralizing 
and degrading effect into all the so-called practical spheres. We term them 
"so-called practical" spheres for we profoundly believe that the spiritual sphere 
of all spheres is the most practical, for in that sphere is built up and culminates 
all the activities of life on all planes of thought and action. The spiritual 
sphere, represented by the church, is the character sphere, and character is 
the only treasure that any man can lay up against the day of wrath the only 
treasure that moth and rust will not corrupt. Every rational man must hope 
that her labors were full of substantial meat and drink which will strengthen 
and vitalize the moral tone of this city. 23 

On Sunday morning, January 29, the Rev. J. D. Hewitt, Presby- 
terian, asked the general question why the world had not been 
converted, and answered: "Because their deeds are evil, therefore 
they love darkness rather than light." White reported this much 
of the preacher's idea with qualified approval resorting to his 
characteristic "but" technique: "That is the truth, but it is not all 
of the truth. May not the quality of the light be some to blame? 
Evidently the Lord thought so, for He came to bring light to the 
world. Is it not possible that the light He brought has been ob- 
scured or falsified?" The editor reminded his readers that Protes- 
tants accused the Catholics of having obscured the light: "Let 
the [Protestant] church examine the quality of the light it calls 
divine light." 

Regardless of Hewitt's possible response to this admonition, White 
pretended to do some examining on his own account. The Rev. 
John Kelly was the recipient of the honor of the Beacons presence 
at the evening service of the same Sunday where the minister 
proposed to follow up the revival series by Wednesday evening 
cottage prayer meetings. The city was divided for this purpose 
into four sections, and the homes of as many members of the con- 
gregation were designated as meeting places, a general service to 
follow at the church on Thursday evening. Kelly announced that 
these exercises were to be continued until Wichita was saved. 
White pointed out that this procedure was not in the Apostolic 
tradition: "they were sent out to teach the truth" and the people 
convinced rationally of the truth accepted it and were saved by 
His loving mercy. On the contrary, "the tenor of Brother Kelly's 
prayer, Sunday night, was an appeal to God to have mercy and 

23. Ibid., January 25, 1882. 


save the people. That was a waste of breath." It was worse: 
"every appeal for mercy is a charge that He is not a merciful and 
saving God. . . . Praying won't save the people. The idea 
that God will save men because of somebody else's prayer, is a 
monstrous heresy." White admonished them: "If these prayer 
meetings are to bring a pressure on God to save Wichita, they will 
be a failure. God will come to Wichita as fast as Wichita will re- 
ceive Him, and if Wichita won't receive Him, He can't come. The 
people are not to be converted by this beseiging throne of grace." 
White had referred them to the Apostolic method, the teaching of 
the truth to the people; the decision to accept it was theirs not 
God's: "He has mercy, infinite mercy, all the time" if only man 
will receive "Wichita is to be saved [if she is saved] by a knowl- 
edge of God's truth, and an obedience to His commands. . . ." 24 
In the same issue of the Beacon and in the same context, White 
wrote another editorial, not captioned, but later referred to as 
"Prayer and the Mercy of God." The inspiration for the article 
reached back by a chain of circumstances to the German philoso- 
pher-scientist and poet, Goethe. As attributed to him, at second 
hand, he had admitted "that he never read of a murder or any other 
horrid crime that he did not fear that under certain conditions he 
might be capable of perpetrating the same." A distinguished Ameri- 
can minister had confessed that the identical sentiment, applied to 
himself, but drew his own conclusion: "Brethern, if we are not 
murderers, burglars and incendiaries, it is due to the mercy of God 
which has prevented us from the commission of these crimes." 
This rationalization infuriated White a selective mercy of God! 
Such "mercy" is not mercy, and such a God who could but would 
not prevent murder and thus save both murderer and victim 

"is no God worthy of the name. . . . The spirit of murder leads to the 
act, and there is no power in Heaven or on Earth to prevent a man having the 
spirit or cultivating the spirit of murder, save the man himself, and man can 
prevent himself only so far as he receives into his mind and heart those 
principles of mercy, of love to God and the neighbor, which our Father is 
continually offering to each of us." 

In White's opinion the key to the whole problem was self-love: 
"The love of self has in it the possibility of every crime. The sup- 
pression of this love of self is man's duty and not God's. Man 
must have the desire to suppress it, or God can give him no power to 
do it." 

In undertaking to answer one minister, White succeeded only in 

24. Ibid., February 1, 1882. 


arousing another. Elder Poole, of the Christian church read the 
above editorial in the pulpit and commented upon it the following 
Sunday, branding it "poor logic and poor theology. . . . God 
never comes to any man. Man must go to God/' White repeated 
substantially his previous central points. Although not so prevalent 
as formerly, he pointed out that the opinion still prevailed "to an 
alarming extent, that the will and purposes of God are to be 
changed by prayer. . . . that God is not always merciful, but 
is made merciful by the prayer . . ." of man. "If a man knew 
what he was doing it would be blasphemous." In his closing 
sentence, White stated his own doctrine by a definition: "Prayer 
is an outward expression of an inward desire, and it works a change 
in the suppliant and not in God." 25 

When a minister provided an opportunity White praised him, al- 
though, as in the case of Hewitt, on occasion he had disagreed with 
him on doctrine, and waged open warfare on him on account of his 
participation in prohibition politics. Hewitt's sermon of April 2, 
1882, was reported under the caption, "The Dawn" when White pro- 
nounced the message as "correct doctrine." In this Hewitt had 
controverted the common idea of conversion, and compared the 
spiritual growth to the natural growth of the animal and vegetable 
kingdoms. "Conversion was just the beginning of the new life. 
. . . All truth . . . must be received by the individual in 
freedom. No force or compulsion must be used to compel him to 
receive it in his understanding and affections. . . ." 26 

Three years later a review of the revival issue called attention to 
two in progress in Wichita proper, and one in West Wichita, all 
crowded. According to the conventional language on such occa- 
sions, many souls were being saved, but that ubiquitous but "If 
these revivals are of any spiritual value to the man and to the com- 
munity, we will see the effects in our social and business life." Since 
the revivals had been in progress two suicides and two attempts at 
murder had occurred. Although there was no necessary connection,, 
self-love drove to crime and to the mourners' bench. The fear upon 
which the revival thrived was the same as the fear of the peniten- 
tiary. And then White inquired whether schools and colleges could 
teach their subject by emotion and fear? "Next to the character 

25. Ibid., February 8, 1882. Men had become so accustomed to pressure, organized 1 
to persuade; propaganda had become so prevalent in man's thought; and principle of right 
and wrong so hazy, that the assumption was tacitly made that all that was ever necessary, 
even at the spiritual level, was to organize and apply pressure to God, and he would yield 
as group conditioned men yield under the "group struggle" principle of operations. 

26. Ibid., April 5, 1882. 


of the truths taught, comes, in importance, the methods of teach- 
ing." Nearly two years later, and shortly before leaving his editorial 
chair, White was still teaching his own doctrine, and was objecting 
to teaching religion by emotion: "Religion is not something for a 
man to get. It is something for the man to be. It is a life, and 
not a mere faith or belief. . . ." 27 


The effect upon society of science and technology through 
mechanical powered machines had been a matter of increasing 
concern with the passing of the 19th century. Particularly dis- 
turbed were those who were anxious about the fate of human 
freedom. Central to White's philosophy was freedom not "Lib- 
erty, Equality, and Fraternity." Two very different philosophies. 
In watching railroad consolidation, the growth of other industrial 
monopolies, the concentration of capital in corporations, the arbi- 
trary conduct of organized labor, White asserted that: 
Every new invention, ever[y] fresh discovery of science seems to increase the 
wealth in the hands of the few. . . . 

Machinery in the hands of selfish capital, is not only not emancipating, 
but enslaving, the masses, and by the division, subdivision and unlimited 
specialization of skilled labor, the class of artisans is becoming degraded into 
mere factory hands, hardly one of whom can make a shoe, a coat, a piano 
or an engine. The number is constantly decreasing, of those who can take 
their kit of tools and start out to do for themselves. In the first place they 
are not educated as artisans, but are skilled only in the manufacture of parts, 
and in the second place they cannot compete against capital. They are as 
much tied down to the factories of their masters as the serfs of Russia were 
to the soil. Every incorporated company for any purpose, is a blow at the 
individual independence of the man. 28 

White was most accurate in analysis of what was taking place; 
the passing of the skilled artisan and the deprivation of the worker 
of even the opportunity to feel pride in the thing he made and the 
skill with which he wrought a completed product. With this loss 
of pride in his trade and in himself as an artisan, the worker was 
without incentive. White was himself an artisan, a printer by the 
apprentice route. The artisan's trade was a way of life as well 
as employment by which to earn a living. Although White's pri- 
mary concern in this editorial was the artisan, small business and 
the farmer were involved. The corporation was the nemesis of 
small business. The farmer, under the impact of the horse-power 

27. Daily Beacon, January 31, 1885; November 15, 1888. 

28. Weekly Beacon, June 29, 1881. 


revolution in agriculture and the mechanization of other segments 
of society, was experiencing a different but a comparable displace- 
ment. White had been a farmer and still owned a farm, and was 
a partner in a newspaper plant faced with the hazards of bigness. 
As individual enterprises, owners of farms and small businesses 
had had pride in their personal independence and accomplishment. 
But all three, artisan, farmer, and small business man, found them- 
selves threatened or deprived of their traditional position and 
function in this flux induced by mechanization of society and had 
not succeeded in a new orientation and adjustment. As were 
some others, White was analyzing with keen perception what was 
taking place, but without finding in positive terms the means of 
adjustment to the new conditions of life that would afford incentive 
to effort, pride in work, and safeguards to freedom. The old had 
slipped away without the new being created, and the result was 
frustration and blind revolt. And the end was not yet. Was a 
reconciliation possible, not of freedom to mechanization, but of 
mechanization to freedom? 

The subject could be discussed at length in this strictly presentist 
context, but something would still be wanting. Man's primitive past 
arises yet to haunt him. Through the process by which he is said 
to have been civilized from a state of savagery, he learned the 
ideal of combining his contriving brain and his skillful hand in 
conceiving an idea and actualizing it out of raw or unformed ma- 
terial. Aristotle called this entelechy potentiality actualized. 
God is pure Act. Man, the microcosm, expresses his innermost 
self and comes nearest to his realization of God in exercising this 
freedom to convert his potentiality into Act. Being finite, not in- 
finite, he falls short of pure Act, but his ideal is not satisfied unless 
he has done the best his talents and circumstances permit. 

Aristotle defined virtue in these terms, "if everything is success- 
fully performed when it it performed in accordance with its proper 
excellence, it follows that the good of man is an activity of soul 
in accordance with virtue. . . ." The Christian mystics had 
emphasized this practical aspect as integral also with the complete 
life. John Tauler, the German mystic, has expressed this ideal 
to make shoes so as "to be a pattern to all/' Dr. Carl Jung, psychia- 
trist, insists that mankind has acquired a "collective unconscious," 
but whether or not this is valid, human culture has developed an 
archetype of cultural behavior that is more deeply embedded in 
his individuality than man is aware as economics, as ethics, as 


aesthetics, as unity of personality, and as unity in God. Mechaniza- 
tion had made the worker "skilled only in the manufacture of 
parts" neither his life nor the thing made was an expression 
of completion, self-realization. 

Referring some months later to the game of shinny, White titled 
an editorial: "Every Fellow Shinnies On His Own Side" his goal 
is victory for himself: "Self-love is the deadly virus in religion, 
in politics, in society, in the family and in the individual," and 
breeds war, not peace. He then paraphrased Swedenborg: "self- 
love and love of the world are the ruling loves of the hells; they 
make hell. . . . the love of God and the neighbor are the 
ruling loves of the heavens they make heaven." Likewise, follow- 
ing Swedenborg, knowledge in and for itself is not virtue. Its 
instruments are subject to use for either good or for evil: 
Every discovery of science, every victory over the silent and imponderable 
agencies of nature only place new instruments of torture and death in the hands 
of self-love. Every school, college and seminary of learning, every advance and 
development of the intellect of the age, is but increasing the power of evil. 
Society is engaged in a desperate struggle against the evils that infest it, and 
the warfare is in vain, because society manufactures them faster than it eradi- 
cates. . . . 

White saw the fatal error inherent in this system, motivated by the 
evil of self-love, embodied in the penal or police state as the ex- 
ponent of a blind faith in regeneration of man by the enactment of a 
law and coercion in its enforcement. His argument was that the in- 
tervention of the police state deprived man of freedom of choice, 
thus also of the personal responsibility for his acts that is essential to 
ethical conduct. Incidentally, the statement of this basic ethical 
principle occurred at least as far back in time as Aristotle. The faith 
in the efficacy of a law in the hands of the police state was a major 
delusion of the late 19th century: 

The ingenuity of the evil forces of society surpass the ingenuity of the law 
makers, and no law can be made that self-love cannot drive through it with a 
coach and four. And yet the moral and religious elements of society have be- 
come so depraved and impotent that, for every form of evil, internal and ex- 
ternal, they seek an external application of force. 

But basic to White's contention was the insistence that the origin 
of evil is internal, whether corruption in office, the ruthless exactions 
of monopolies, the abuses of labor unions, the liquor traffic, murder, 
sex crimes, or theft. "Penal statutes and policemen" applied ex- 
ternally to the outward manifestations of evil are worse than futile. 
They aggravate the evil by requiring more statutes and policemen, 


an endless cumulative spiral. Evil, being internal, requires an in- 
ternal remedy, "The Golden Rule of God," and, "The remedy will 
have to be worked out through the slow procession of the centuries. 
... In the meantime there will be revolution in the religious, 
civil and social ethics of to-day." 29 

The ice and snow storm of February 21, 1882, snapped off tele- 
phone poles, snarled the wires, and disrupted communications. 
Telephone service was quite new, but already it was a necessity. 
The storm was more than local, paralyzing New York City's com- 
munications and causing losses or even disaster over a large part of 
the world already dependent upon machines: 

This slight interruption showed us how convenient and necessary this latest 
scientific appliance has become. Science is ameliorating the condition of the 
people, facilitating exchanges, increasing the supplies, multiplying our pro- 
ductive facilities, and in many ways, revolutionizing the industries and thought 
of the world, and while we seem to be growing more independent, richer and 
more prosperous, yet we are becoming more dependent upon these external 
mechanical appliances. If they work well it is all right. If they work badly, it's 
all wrong. 

White questioned whether the individual was "deriving substan- 
tial benefit" from the machinery and labor saving devices. Although 
"in the aggregate we seem to be growing stronger, it is a growing at 
the expense of the individual and the growth is only seeming. If all 
. . . labor . . . could be performed by machinery, would 
the world be strong or weak?" There would be production, but no 
one with the means to buy. If supply doubles and wants increase 
at the same ratio is a man any richer? If a machine makes possible 
the discharge of 75 percent of the workers and no one else is in a 
position to employ them, "has it added anything to the sum of human 
happiness?" Labor saving machines require long readjustment pe- 

In every new discovery and application of mechanical energy, there is loss 
and destruction to some vested interest, and adaptation to the changed condi- 
tion is accomplished with loss, distress and sore suffering. Substitution of one 
thing requires the death of the other thing, and what is one man's gain is an- 
other man's loss. The human family seems to be preying on itself, as well as on 
all below it. Is this its normal condition? ... If the genius of one man 
discovers a new and useful application of the forces of nature, he has to seek 
the protection of the law against those who would rob him of the reward and 
the profits of his discovery, and he in turn becomes a robber in levying an ex- 
cessive royalty on all the public. 

29. Ibid., December 7, 1881, supplementing especially the preceding citation. The 
major arguments about the interrelations among the three types of institutions, church 
school, and state are too numerous to make any complete citation practicable. 


In every invention of machines, there is a surrender of individual power and 
independence to the machine. If a man owns a horse, he surrenders a part of 
his vitality to the horse, and finally the horse becomes a necessity. . . . The 
question is how long can we stand the surrender of vital force to machinery? 
Isn't our servant, science, becoming our master? 

The world rides to-day, whereas yesterday it walked, and its "calves" are 
dwindling in size and strength, and if tomorrow it was deprived of its vehicles 
it couldn't walk because it has no "calves." 

There is a quick adaptation to the luxury of scientific supports, to mechanical 
aids and whatever strength the machine gets the body loses. The man and the 
machine are strong combined, but divide them by natural or artificial causes 
and both are impotent. 30 

In all this apparently pessimistic analysis of science, invention, and 
machines, White wrote in Swedenborgian perspective. Conspicu- 
ously applicable to the problem in hand was the doctrine of uses. 
Knowledges, sciences, learning, skills, by whatever name they were 
instruments which man in freedom might use for good or for evil. 
Pointedly, and with a certain partisan zest, sharpened by many en- 
counters, White took the Topeka Commonwealth to task on the sub- 
ject of science in the schools "Tell us, 'What For?" The Common- 
wealth had said that: "it cannot be considered true that the world 
was made for man, but it is certainly true that if there exists a science 
that cannot be shown to be useful to man, that science is unworthy 
of human study." White asked two questions. First, if the world 
was not made for man, "what was it made for?" Second, what is 
use? The second proposition: 

strikes us as supremely nonsensical. "Science" is a comprehensive term. It 
means, to know. Knowledge is the fundamental basis or foundation for all the 
rational, moral and spiritual faculties, without which the latter could not cohere 
or even exist, not even in the divine mind. All that a man knows relates to him- 
self; all that he is capable of knowing, and we know of no limit to his capacity, 
relates to him. The very knowledge of himself depends upon his knowledge of 
his environments, and the conception of the existence of a science that has no 
use is impossible or unthinkable. Even though such a science existed and man 
were conscious of the fact, the knowledge of the fact would broaden the man's 
intellectual vision and therefore the nonuseful science would have its use. The 
writer evidently has a narrow and sensuous conception of the "useful" it, to 
him, means bread and butter. 31 

The theme of "Cure vs Quackery" afforded White the opportunity 
to castigate comparatively some "sacred cows"; the medical pro- 
fession, the church, and the law. His contention was that a remedy 
always aggravates the disease: 

30. Ibid., February 22, 1882. 

31. Ibid., February 6, 1884. Among other articles touching on the general theme was 
one in the Daily Beacon, May 5, 1885, commenting that instead of swords being beaten 
into plowshares, the reverse was taking place on a grand scale. Another discussed the 
Mason cotton picker, which was to be placed on the market. Ibid., June 26, 1885. 


The remedy is not a cure, it is the effect of the disease. If there were no 
disease there would be no remedy. . . . The quacks of the physical 
sphere are called doctors: the quacks of the social sphere are called lawyers 
and statesmen. 

The so-called church is the prolific mother of quackery. Its scheme of 
salvation the vicarious atonement, and all the correlatives, and the conse- 
quential dogmatics flowing from it, is a scheme of quackery. . . . It is 
to save a man from the penalties of his sins. Just as the purgative and the 
emetic are used to save a man from the penalties of his violation of physical 
laws. . . . Some medical and legal doses are taken to relieve a pain, 
others are taken to prevent pain, but neither relate to the causes, nor remove 
them. The spiritual quack dose is not to remove the cause in character, but 
to cheat the cause of its effects. 

One example of attacking the cause rather than providing reme- 
dies was cited in the case of New Orleans. Doctors had sought 
specifics for cholera and yellow fever, but without effect. Ben 
Butler solved the problem by installing sanitary facilities. Also, if 
a specific was found for dyspepsia, a new remedy would immedi- 
ately become necessary to save the victim from the effects of glut- 
tony. Again, if a specific for syphilis were found, "the remedy 
would add intensity to lust. . . /' 

White insisted upon giving attention to cause, rather than to 

If it were not for the discovery and obedience to the laws of health our 
multiplying remedies would depopulate the earth. The laws of hygiene are 
waging a war with diseases and their specifics. The enlightened members of 
the medical profession, those who love their neighbor better than they do 
their fees, are beginning to see the truth. . . . 

Likewise, White declared: "The penal law system of remedies is 
unmitigated quackery ," and instead the statesmen should discover 
the principles of "political and social hygiene." And then, bringing 
all three types of quacks into one generalization: 

We close by repeating that the church, of all quacks, is the most dangerous 
and deadly. Its very gods are quacks, that provide such a miserable and 
God-condemned scheme of patent medicine salvation. The drench bottle in 
medicine, law and gospels is filled with a deadlier poison than ever chemist 
discovered. 32 

A year and a half later, and from his theological premises, White 
again challenged the medical doctors on the ground that they mis- 
conceived the nature of their profession: they should approach 
it as the science of health, not the science of medicine; they mis- 
took causes and effects, and consequently, remedies. In 1885 he 

32. Weekly Beacon, December 26, 1883. 


was irritated by Louisa Alcott's article in the Woman's Journal, in 
which she declared that mind cure was a failure: 
As the genesis of all diseases is in the spiritual (the moral and mental) world, 
it seems to us a significant, if not hopeful, sign to see any effort, however 
empirical and tentative, directed in what we think is surely the right direction. 
Getting down to first principles, and viewing the subject philosophically, 
we do not hesitate to think and say that the body has no disease of its own. 
All diseases are primarily and essentially, in their generative or first principles, 
mental or moral, or mental and moral, and the body is only the sphere of 
their manifestations and ultimations. . . . 

Of necessity, he reasoned, causes must "be found in the sphere 
of causes the soul the mind rather than in the body, the sphere 
of effects. The soul is the sphere of the active principle, the body 
of the reactive/' To answer objections that his views did not ac- 
count for hereditary diseases, or predisposition to disease, he con- 
ceded that point "if the principle was confined to the life of one 
man. . . . But "heredity is not a material law; it is a law of 
life a spiritual law, belonging primarily to the soul and made 
manifest in the body." 

The mode of thought to which White was committed was so 
different to that which prevailed that he found explanations neces- 
sary that made his arguments appear more involved than they 
might otherwise have been. Thus, at this point, in discussing his 
theory of hereditary disease, he was diverted into an explanation 
of natural law: "In fact, there is no such thing as a natural law. 
Nature has no laws. Nature is a subject and not a law maker. 
Law has nature for its sphere of manifestation and operation, and 
law creates nature." 

In this context, then, the cause of nature is spiritual law, and 
the cause of disease is spiritual. The cure of disease, therefore, is 
spiritual. On the negative side: "The world, physically, is never 
to be saved by medicine." Historically, drugs administered to 
cure disease, have done great harm in doing the opposite. "The 
doctor, as a mere patcher up of broken constitutions, as the stim- 
ulator and galvanizer of decrepit frames, is of no permanent value 
to the world." The man with a cure-all remedy is a quack. 

On the positive side, White pointed out that: 

So far as medical science sets itself to the discovery of the laws which control 
health, so far has it been, and so far will it become, a useful science, and as 
it discovers true law the drug and the patent medicine will disappear. . . . 

and renaming it the science of health, it 

is still in the beginning of the inductive period. It has very closely explored 
the body. If it stops there it stops almost at the beginning. Above, within, 


and anterior to the body, is the real man, where the productive cause, the 
spiritual germs, are to be found; and the permanent cure is to be reached 
in the mind, and thence in the body. 

The divine physician did not administer a pill. He gave truth, and it was 
by the truth he gave that he promised to save the world morally, mentally, 
physically. . . , 33 


Thus far White's philosophical and theological views have been 
discussed in the setting in which he stated them, and as applica- 
tions to particular issues. If the readers of the Beacon articulated 
them into a system, each one must do it for himself. The readers 
of this study have some advantage perhaps over the Beacons sub- 
scribers in so far as a certain selection and classification has been 
applied for purposes of a more orderly presentation and continuity. 
White wrote several extended theological editorials, but none of 
them singly or together undertook a formulation of systematic 
theology. Although hazardous, a brief exposition of his philosophy 
and theology and its implications for the immediate social scene 
seems now to be in order. Because White was a newspaper editor, 
and supposedly the major spokesman for the Democratic party in 
southwestern Kansas, and the time was the late 19th century, his 
Swedenborgian inheritance necessarily had undergone a substan- 
tial modification. Certainly, it became more realistic when applied 
to southwestern Kansas than the original, however insistent Sweden- 
borg had been in identifying religion and life. 

Although the starting point of White's theology must necessarily 
be God as creator, he was more intimately concerned with man, 
the created. The Wichita of 1870-1887 was in need of such con- 
cern. 34 There was more truth than exaggeration in his confession 
after the quarrel with Preacher Kelly, "If we were a Christian, we 
would be awful lonesome." Yet, he still insisted, as the central 
fact of theology, that man was created in freedom freedom to 
choose good or evil. Events do not happen by mere chance, but 
are effects of causes, yet a man can be held ethically responsible 
for his conduct only on the assumption of freedom of the will. 
Aristotle had stated the principle, but had not solved the conflict 
of cause-effect order and freedom of choice. Philosophers and 

33. Daily Beacon, May 1, 1885. 

34. The subject of White's political philosophy; the role of government separated from 
church and education, both in theory and in practice in Kansas, 1876-1887, requires a fuller 
treatment than is possible here. This section, with but few specific citations, undertakes only 
to restate briefly what has already been written, and to survey in very general terms as one 
whole, an outline of what must yet be done. 


theologians had failed to solve the dilemma conclusively, and St. 
Augustine and John Calvin in particular, had added new confusion 
by the doctrine of predestination. 

The Swedenborg- White doctrine of the origin of evil did not 
recognize that God could be held responsible as creator, and re- 
pudiated a personal devil. The origin of evil was self-love; to do 
evil is sin. In freedom, man had the right to choose evil, but in 
doing so he alienated himself from God. The emphasis is upon the 
word himself; he alone is responsible for his condition God did 
not punish; God is love. 

In view of the fact that man has withdrawn himself from the love 
of the Lord, can be he convinced of his error, return, and be recon- 
ciled? The plan of salvation offered that opportunity by the Atone- 
ment, "At-one-ment," to all who would repent and become willing to 
return to the love of God and of the neighbor by loving and doing 
good. The path of regeneration was not a sudden endowment of 
perfection as a free gift, but is a way of life through self-discipline, 
by the help and love of the Lord. Self-discipline grows through 
the exercise of the will and understanding by uses. Thus man is 
saved from sin from sinning, or committing sin not from the pen- 
alties therefor, but only if he continues through free choice to pursue 
his life of regeneration. Any form of compulsion operates against 
the will and freedom of choice and cannot effect regeneration. The 
doctrine of salvation by faith, or by grace, or merits of others, in a 
different manner, but as effectively, would deprive the man of his 
freedom of choice, self-responsibility, through which alone lies the 
path of regeneration. To do evil is sin, and under the cause-effect 
principle, sin has consequences, penalties. He is the cause of his 
own punishment. According to order, effects, penalties, cannot be 
escaped, shifted, or remitted. 

White emphasized monotheism for much the same reason that 
ES did, but with White the peculiar late 19th century emphasis on 
the Trinity lent it a special coloring that was not present in the 18th 
century. The "higher criticism" and the challenge of evolutionary 
science placed the orthodox version derived from the Council of 
Nicaea under added strain, even within the ranks of orthodox de- 
nominationalism. The Thomas heresy trial was only an indicator 
that ideas similar to the New Church interpretation had permeated 
the Trinitarian churches. As White lost no opportunity to point out, 
the abandonment of the Trinity of Persons doctrine would change 
the whole theology of the Christian plan of salvation. 


Monotheism held other significances which were more conspic- 
uous in White's writing as local editor than in Swedenborg's books. 
The macrocosm-microcosm analogy was emphasized in man as the 
image of God; complete within the concepts of the finite as He was 
complete. Life is religion and religion is life, was not a mere aphor- 
ism to be repeated on convenient occasions just for effect. The 
monotheism of God, by analogy, meant the wholeness of man in his 
daily life at Wichita. Monogamy and the paternal unity of the fam- 
ily as microcosm were, for him, derivatives of monotheism. The 
family is the minimum social unit in the divine plan. Philosophic 
love a disinterested love, without self interest is the ruling prin- 
ciple in the universe; love of God for man, parent for child, man for 
the neighbor. In living according to this principle of disinterested 
love, man exercises self-restraint he is self-governing. 

The state, whatever its form, is an artificial instrument formed by 
men. The occasion for the state is man's sinfulness. Out of self- 
love he encroaches upon his neighbor and his neighbor's property. 
If only man would return voluntarily to the love of the Lord all oc- 
casion for the state would disappear. But a man cannot be com- 
pelled; no act committed under duress, or from an appeal to self- 
love ( advantage or reward ) can be a moral act. The state is to be 
tolerated only to the extent to which it is necessary. But what is the 
nature of the necessity? Only such functions are necessary or to be 
tolerated as protect or extend man's freedom of individual decision 
and action, and thereby strengthen his exercise of self -responsibility 
and self-discipline, and self-government. Although not stated in the 
form of the Swedenborgian doctrine of equilibrium, the role of gov- 
ernment appeared to serve only as the instrument by which social 
equilibrium might be maintained, that man might be free to exercise 
his true freedom and responsible choice of action. 

Any free gift, regardless of source is a detriment to the man, what 
White branded as the pauper principle, whether applied to salvation 
in what is conventionally called theology, excessive parental solici- 
tude for the child, or at the hands of government, poor relief, free 
medicine, free public schools, free libraries, free passes on railroads 
for clergy, editors, politicians, or public officials even free Sweden- 
borgian lectures, as in 1877; "The lecture being free a large number 
felt under no obligations to attend, and so the audience was small." 35 
Such applications of the doctrine of free gifts (without price) may 
appear, under superficial examination as frustrating, even ridiculous. 
But, at any rate, they call attention to the logical inconsistencies in 

35. Weekly Beacon, March 21, 1877. 


prevailing human institutions, which is embarrassing, even irritating, 
because they expose the contradictory rationalizations by which ex- 
isting institutions and practices are justified. They give a certain 
point to the cynical doctrine, conspicuously held in modern society, 
that virtue lies in the action itself, and justification of the accom- 
plished fact is only incidental. 

Within the overall framework of this Swedenborgian-White phil- 
osophy and theology, the role of government is to protect persons 
and property but not to educate or reform the man. When the gov- 
ernment intervenes to protect, it does so solely for the maintenance 
of public order and peace, not on the grounds of morals morals are 
not a concern of police power. The punishment inflicted is for 
breech of peace, not to reform the offender's morals. Whenever 
government goes beyond its legitimate police powers, it makes a 
political issue of any and all questions that come up for action by the 
legislature. Thereby they become a part of the policy of the state. 
Nevertheless, White denied that popular demand for such action 
legitimized the extension of the penal power into such areas. Man 
cannot dispossess himself of a natural right. When the liquor ques- 
tion came up in form of the prohibitory amendment and subsequent 
enforcement legislation, White opposed such assumption of state 
power on the basis of principle. Mistakenly, the political opponents 
of liquor restriction and other sumptuary legislation, who acted upon 
traditional grounds, hailed him as a hero. They were due for a 
shock. As a Democratic party editor, he was expected to justify, 
from the traditional point of view, the party stand against prohibi- 

The logical and consistent application of White's theory of gov- 
ernment, however, did not limit his opposition to governmental in- 
tervention to that one area. As government had no jurisdiction 
over morals, he opposed that aspect of Indian and Morman policy, 
and foreign policy, corrupt practices acts, public schools, public 
libraries, public parks, regulation of railroads, monopolies, banking 
practices, and labor legislation. He denounced the railroad regula- 
tion act passed by the legislature in 1883, insisting that it would 
fail and its failure to reform men would lead to a demand, and 
the legislature would yield to the demand, for amendatory laws, 
and that cycle would go on indefinitely just as had occurred in 
connection with prohibition of the liquor traffic by passing a law. 

As an individualist, White was a firm believer in popular gov- 
ernment, even though he astonished his community by certain 


aspects of his theory. The individual possesses absolute rights de- 
rived from his spiritual origin. Society being an artificial body is 
entitled only to relative rights. Participation in the government 
of society, therefore, is not a right society can not confer rights, 
something that it does not itself possess. Society confers duties 
upon individuals. Not only is office holding a duty, but in the 
same sense, voting is a duty conferable only upon the individual, 
not upon classes, races, or sexes as such. Voting is neither a right 
nor a privilege. White's inability to become a partisan was re- 
vealed conspicuously and disconcertingly by his insistence that 
permanent political parties should not be permitted to exist. "After 
every election electors should resolve themselves into parties of 
one man, who should think and act for himself." After each elec- 
tion and he was writing about political parties, plural, not about 
the Republican party their "corrupt machinery should go into the 
hands of a receiver, and . . . [those] who fatten on party cor- 
ruption should be driven out into the wilderness to work or 
starve." 36 

In view of his political theory, the events of his generation were 
peculiarly distressing as they had to do with government. The 
first responsibility of the individual was for self-government; to 
overcome his self-love; to love the neighbor and the Lord, and do 
good. The first failure of government was with the man himself. 
All other failures in government followed in sequence, because 
if each man could succeed in governing himself, no other govern- 
ment was needed. Even the minimum protective functions of 
government resulted from failure at this initial point the man. 
Consequently, all reforms must begin at this point moral regenera- 
tion of the man. 

But the trend toward the expansion of the scope of political 
power, and toward centralization was conspicuous and growing 
under late 19th century conditions. Man's failure at personal self- 
government had been used as an excuse for expansion of the scope 
of political government; local government failing called upon county 
government, and county government called upon state government, 
and state called upon the national government centralization by 
chain reaction. As mechanization of society encouraged centraliza- 
tion of economic power, so the cumulative effect of failure of each 
man to govern himself as an individual, and of failure of govern- 

36. Ibid., July 13, 1881. 



ment at the lower levels geographically, tended to centralize all 
power at Washington. In consequence, the more remote the seat 
of governmental power from its theoretical source, the individual 
man, the less power the man possessed to control it, and the more 
irresponsible and arbitrary the exercise of that power. 

In 1887, when White abandoned the editorial chair in the Beacon 
office, the climax of this phase of the process was being completed 
in the enactment of the Interstate Commerce Act. Prior to about 
1887 the question had been, will the federal government enter the 
broad field of economic, social, and moral regulation? That ques- 
tion was answered in the affirmative by the Interstate Commerce 
Act and assorted legislation; big business, food and drugs, immi- 
gration restriction on the ground of morals and dangerous political 
theories, contagious and infectious diseases, polygamy, obscene 
literature, etc. 

The role of the church is to teach spiritual and moral truth. The 
extent of the demand, therefore, for the government to act in the 
moral department was an index of the failure of the spiritual and 
educational forces to function effectively. When ministers and 
churches entered politics by asking a legislature to enact legislation 
on public morals, or to enforce such legislation when passed, to 
that extent there was no longer a separation of church and state. 

The role of the schools also was to teach knowledge and morals. 
The church taught all the people, the schools traditionally taught 
the children. Education was a responsibility of parents the fam- 
ily not of the public generally. White found himself in deeper 
trouble over his opposition to the free public schools than most any 
other of his unpopular policies. One ground for his opposition to 
the pauper free public schools was the argument that the govern- 
ment had no right to tax the property of one man for the benefit of 
another. Recipients of free education were taught that they had a 
right to something for nothing, both free without price and a free- 
dom without responsibility. If free education was justified, then 
he extended the principle logically to the bitter end; why not free 
clothes, food; or even why not freedom from work? White insisted 
that the individual, not property, should be held responsible. Free- 
dom meant the right to be ignorant, just as it meant the right to get 
drunk. So long as a man did not disturb the public peace and order, 
this theory denied the right of government to intervene. 

Among White's arguments against the public schools was their 
failure at moral education this charge was leveled at both major 


educative forces in society, the church and the schools. He insisted 
that the Kansas penitentiary population has "a higher average of wit, 
shrewdness, cleverness, sharpness and intelligence . . . than 
can be found in any other section of the state, if you gather up a 
crowd promiscuously/' Without moral responsibility, White 
warned that the educated were the state's most dangerous classes. 37 

White vigorously warned against the "itching for more power" by 
the state teachers' association, their lobbying for appropriation of 
other people's money, and for a situation where the parents had 
less power over their own children's education than over the elec- 
tion of the President: "The parents the community are now 
nearly powerless in the clutches of this police system/' 38 The 
Massachusetts and the New England free public school system had 
been held up as models for the other states, yet, as White pointed 
out, those states led the country in divorces and courts for punish- 
ment of law breakers. 39 Edmunds, the author of the Anti-Polygamy 
act of 1882, was from New England, where polygamy was practiced 
in the form of multiple wives in succession, rather than simultane- 
ously, and without safeguarding the children of the divorce type of 

Libraries as well as schools and churches, White insisted, should 
be supported by private associations of their patrons. Wichita Li- 
brary Association operated from February, 1876- late 1885, before 
it was taken over by the city "pauperized." The same principle, 
private association, applied to music, literature, and art. White 
played the violin according to his own testimony, very badly. 
Furthermore, White advocated fighting the saloon, gambling insti- 
tutions, etc., by providing, on principles similar to support of 
churches, schools, and libraries, places of entertainment and recre- 
ation something positive, not negative. Freedom of the mind and 
of the soul ( religion ) White insisted, could not be a reality without 
complete separation of the educative forces, all of them, from the 
state. White made no concessions to admit the right of the state 
in any area of religion, morals, or education, meant to place in the 
power of the state the dictation of what constitutes religion, morals, 
or education, and the manner in which they are taught; self-per- 
petuation being the core of motive: "The true church is the still, 

37. Ibid., March 12, November 26, 1884. 

38. DaUy Beacon, January 4, 1886. 

39. Weekly Beacon, March 12, 1884. 


small, pleading voice, that awaits the invitation to enter. The 
police state is the devil that will enter in at all hazards." * 

In conclusion, regardless of the validity of his theology, there 
was no question about the fact that White's religion did have rela- 
tion to life, and his life was a virile expression of his religion. To 
review his journalistic career is to be compelled to re-examine the 
whole of society, its ideals and procedures, in fresh perspectives. 

40. A selection from extended editorials illustrative of the major propositions in the 
final summary section: Weekly Beacon, July 6, August 10, 1881; May 3, August 9, No- 
vember 8, 29, 1882; Daily Beacon, December 18, 1884; October 16, 1885. 

Recent Additions to the Library 

Compiled by ALBERTA PANTLE, Librarian 

IN ORDER that members of the Kansas State Historical Society 
and others interested in historical study may know the class of 
books the Society's library is receiving, a list is printed annually of 
the books accessioned in its specialized fields. 

These books come from three sources, purchase, gift, and ex- 
change, and fall into the following classes: Books by Kansans and 
about Kansas; books on American Indians and the West, including 
explorations, overland journeys and personal narratives; genealogy 
and local history; and books on United States history, biography 
and allied subjects which are classified as general. The out-of-state 
city directories received by the Historical Society are not included 
in this compilation. 

The library also receives regularly the publications of many his- 
torical societies by exchange, and subscribes to other historical and 
genealogical publications which are needed in reference work. 

The following is a partial list of books which were received from 
October 1, 1957, through September 30, 1958. Federal and state 
official publications and some books of a general nature are not in- 
cluded. The total number of books accessioned appears in the re- 
port of the Society's secretary printed in the Spring, 1959, issue of 
The Kansas Historical Quarterly. 


ADRIAN, ARTHUR A., Georgina Hogarth and the Dickens Circle. London, Ox- 
ford University Press, 1957. 320p. 

ALLIS, MARGUERITE, Free Soil New York, G. P. Putnam's Sons [c!958]. 288p. 
APPELL, GEORGE C., The Man Who Shot Quantrill Garden City, N. Y., 

Doubleday & Company, 1957. 189p. 
BEELER, MAXWELL N., The Garden of Babies, an Answer to Children's Queries 

About Their Origin. New York, Exposition Press [c!958]. 122p. 
BESSEY, AMOS J., Diary; Copied From Notes Made During Service in the Civil 

War ... No impr. Typed. Unpaged. 
BLAIR, WILLIAM NEWTON, Gold in Korea. Topeka, H. M. Ives & Sons, 1957. 

BRADSHAW, ALFRED B., When the Prairies Were New. Turon, Kan., Arthur J. 

Allen, 1957. 96p. 
BURGESS, JACKSON, Pillar of Cloud. New York, G. P. Putnam's Sons [c!957]. 

BURTON, THOMAS E., and GRACE D. BURTON, Clwmade. [Topeka] Privately 

Printed, 1954. 68p. 



CAMPBELL, VIRGINIA, Unexpected Verdict. New York, Dodd, Mead & Com- 
pany, 1958. 210p. 

CAREZ, HENRY SUMNER, Poems. No impr. 27p. 

CARTER, E. RUSSELL, The Gift Is Rich. New York, Friendship Press [c!955]. 

CASEMENT, DAN DILLON, Random Recollections; the Life and Times and 
Something of the Personal Philosophy of a 20th Century Cowman. Kan- 
sas City, Mo., Walker Publications, 1955. lllp. 

CHILDS, MARQUIS, Eisenhower: Captive Hero . . . New York, Harcourt, 
Brace and Company [c!958]. 310p. 

CLAFLIN Clarion, City Directory, Claflin, Kansas, Sept. 1, 1958. Claflin, Claflin 
Clarion, 1958. [28]p. 

CROOKS, RUTH (WILLIAMS), The Signature of God. Kansas City, Mo., Beacon 
Hill Press [c!957]. 64p. 

Cross Reference Directory, Topeka, September, 1957. Independence, Kan., 
City Publishing Company, c!957. Unpaged. 

[DANNER, SCIOTO (IMHOFF)], Mrs. Danners Fourth Quilt Book. [El Dorado] 
n. p. [c!958]. 23p. 

, Mrs. Danners Third Quilt Book. [El Dorado] Privately Printed 

[c!954]. 26p. 

Lineages and Bible Records [Copied by Kate B. Shields]. No impr. Typed. 


Hunterdon County, New Jersey, With Descendants 6- In-Laws . . . 
[Copied by Mrs. Hal M. Black]. Wichita, n. p., 1957. Typed. 170p. 

, FLORES DEL SOL CHAPTER, WICHITA, Tombstone Inscriptions From 

Afton Cemetery in Afton Township, Located One Mile South and Two Miles 
West of Goddard, Sedgwick County, Kansas . . . 1874-1956. Wichita 
n. p., 1958. Typed. 15p. 

, ISABELLA WELDIN CHAPTER, AUGUSTA, Tombstone Inscriptions of Sut- 

ton Cemetery, Northeast of Augusta, Kansas. Dates From 1798 to 1945. 
No impr. Typed. lOp. 

, KANSAS SOCIETY, The Kansas Centennial of Statehood, 1861-1961. 

No impr. Folder. 

, KANSAS SOCIETY, Proceedings of the Sixtieth Annual State Conference, 

March 13, 14, 15, 1958, Topeka, Kansas. No impr. 235p. 

DAVIS, CLYDE L., A Kansan at Large. Forest Hills, N. Y., Bernice Carter Davis, 
1924. 143p. 

DELAWARE SQUATTER ASSOCIATION, Constitution of the Delaware Squatter As- 
sociation Embracing All the Laws Passed by the Different Squatter Meet- 
ings From June 10, to Dec. 2, 1854. Leavenworth, K. T., Eastin & Adams, 
1855. Photostat Copy. 8p. 

DERBY, FLORENCE, Rocks and Roses. Grand Rapids, Mich., William B. Eerd- 
mans Publishing Company [c!957]. 187p. 

DE VRIES, PETER, The Mackerel Plaza. Boston, Little, Brown and Company 
[c!958]. 260p. 

DOBBS, MARY E., Kansas Voters' Manual, Third Edition, Revised July, 1920. 
[Wichita, Author, c!920.] 83p. 


EATON, QUAINTANCE, Opera Caravan, Adventures of the Metropolitan on Tour, 
1883-1956. New York, Farrar, Straus and Cudahy, 1957. 400p. 

EHRLICH, ELIZABETH, All Things Lovely, and Other Verses. Berkeley, Gal., 
Privately Printed, 1957. 18p. 

ENGLISH, E. Lois, Of Course I've Faith; Verses of Affirmation. New York, Ex- 
position Press [c!958]. 119p. 

, On Wings of Faith, Stones of Kansas Pioneers and Other Tales. New 

York, Exposition Press [c!956]. 166p. 

EUDORA, LION'S CLUB, Eudora Centennial Magazine, 1957. N. p., 1957. 52p. 

FELTON, RALPH A., Hope Rises From the Land. New York, Friendship Press 
[c!955]. 135p. 

FITZGERALD, EARL ARCHIBALD, Heart's Desire. N. p., 1956. Unpaged. 

, Voices in the Night. Bellingham, Wash., Pioneer Printing Company 

[c!948]. 203p. 

FLEMING, ROSCOE, The Man Who Reached the Moon, and Other Poems, In- 
cluding "Kansas' . . . [Denver, Golden Bell Press, c!957.] 125p. 

FLORIAN, SISTER MARY, Chamber Music. New York, Pageant Press [c!957]. 

FLOYD, WILLIAM H., 3rd, Phantom Riders of the Pony Express. Philadelphia, 
Dorrance & Company [c!958]. 142p. 

Fort Riley, Its Historic Past, 1853-1953. [Fort Riley, U. S. Army] n. d. Un- 

FORT SCOTT, FIRST PRESBYTERIAN CHURCH, History of the First Presbyterian 
Church of Fort Scott, Kansas . . . Fort Scott, Monitor Binding and 
Printing Company, 1909. 79p. 

FRANCIS, MRS. HELEN D., Double Reverse. New York, Doubleday & Company, 
1958. 214p. 

FRANKLIN, FRIEDA K., None but the Brave. New York, Crown Publishers 
[c!958]. 278p. 

FRANKLIN, MIRIAM, Rehearsal, the Principles and Practice for the Stage. Engle- 
wood Cliffs, N. J., Prentice-Hall [c!950]. 327p. 

FRIENDS, SOCIETY OF, Seventy-Fifth Anniversary Argonia Friends Meeting, Sept. 
29, 1957. N. p. [1957]. Unpaged. 

CARD, ROBERT E., Run to Kansas. New York, Duell, Sloan and Pearce [c!958]. 

GIBSON, WILLIAM, The Miracle Worker. New York, Alfred A. Knopf, 1957. 

GILBAUGH, JOHN W., The Bull With the Golden Horns. San Jose, Cal., Modern 
Education Publishers [c!958]. 246p. 

Golden Anniversary of the Ordination of The Reverend Timothy J. O'Sullivan, 
Pastor of the Church of the Blessed Sacrament, June 12, 1955, Wichita, 
Kansas. Wichita, n. p., 1955. Unpaged. 

HADLEY, JOHN M., Clinical and Counseling Psychology. New York, Alfred A. 
Knopf, 1958. [702]p. 

HARLAN, HARRY V., One Man's Life With Barley . . . New York, Ex- 
position Press [c!957]. 223p. 

HARRINGTON, HORACIO J., and ARMANDO F. LEANZA, Ordovician Trilobites of 
Argentina, Lawrence, University of Kansas Press, 1957. 276p. 

HENRY, IONA, with FRANK S. MEAD, Triumph Over Tragedy. [Westwood, 
N. J.] Fleming H. Revell Company [c!957]. 125p. 


HEWITT, ALBA ASHBY, Riding the Rockies. New York, Vantage Press [c!957]. 

History of the Original Company "A" 110th Engineers, 35th Division, A. E. F., 

From June 21, 1917 to May 3, 1919. No impr. Unpaged. 
HOLLISTER, OVANDO J., Boldly They Rode, a History of the First Colorado 

Regiment of Volunteers. Lakewood, Colo., Golden Press, 1949. 190p. 
HORTON, SCOTT, Even the Leaves. Dallas, Triangle Publishing Company 

[c!957]. 60p. 
HUBER, FLORENCE M., In a Village Garden. Columbus, Trowbridge Printing 

Company, c!956. 14p. 
HUNT, ELSIE DENEAN, The Ship of Peace. New York, Pageant Press [c!957]. 

INGE, WILLIAM, The Dark at the Top of the Stairs. New York, Random House 

[c!958]. 108p. 
ISELY, FLORA KUNIGUNDE (DUNCAN), Lincoln's Teacher. Great Barrington, 

Mass., Advance Publishing Company [c!958]. 177p. 
JACKSON, MARY VIOLET, Spiritual Truths, Spiritual Law. New York, Vantage 

Press [c!956]. 176p. 
JAMES, JESSE, JR., The Facsimile Edition of Jesse James, My Father, the First 

and Only True Story of His Adventures Ever Written. New York, Frederick 

Fell, Publishers [c!957]. 198p. 
JOHNS, GLOVER S., JR., The Clay Pigeons of St. Lo. Harrisburg, Pa., Military 

Service Publishing Company [c!958]. 257p. 
JOHNSON, VIRGINIA ARMSTRONG, Gardner, Where the Trails Divide. Gardner, 

Gardner Centennial Committee, 1957. 73p. 

JONAS, CARL, Our Revels Now Are Ended. New York, W. W. Norton & Com- 
pany [c!957]. 343p. 
JONES, SCHUYLER, Under the African Sun. London, Hurst & Blackett [1956]. 

KANSAS AUTHORS CLUB, 1958 Yearbook. No impr. 109p. 

_, 1957 Yearbook. No impr. 96p. 


1858-1958 [by Don D. Ballou], N. p. [1958?]. Unpaged. 
KARSON, MARC, American Labor Unions and Politics. Carbondale, Southern 

Illinois University Press, 1958. 358p. 
KEITH, HAROLD, Rifles for Watte. New York, Thomas Y. Crowell [c!957]. 


KELLER, ALLAN, Thunder at Harpers Ferry. Englewood Cliffs, N. J., Prentice- 
Hall [c!958]. 282p. 
KERSEY, RALPH T., Buffalo Jones (a True Biography). [Garden City, Elliott 

Printers, c!958.] 184p. 
KICK, LENI PELLEGRINI, The House on Walnut Grove, the Gibbons Children in 

Winter. New York, Vantage Press [c!958]. 139p. 
KIRKS, M. M., He Called and I Answered. No impr. 84p. 
KIRTLAND, ELIZABETH, Buttons in the Back. New York, Vanguard Press 

[c!958]. [160]p. 
KLINK, THOMAS W., Clergyman s Guide to Recognizing Serious Mental Illness. 

New York, National Association for Mental Health, n. d. [12]p. 
LEACH, GABRIELLE (HINMAN), Congregationalism and Fairmount Church. 

Wichita, Fairmount Community Church, Congregational, 1958. Unpaged. 



of Pilgrim Church (United Church of Christ), Leavenworth, Kansas . . . 

N. p., 1958. Unpaged. 
, SALEM CHURCH, Salem Church (Evangelical and Reformed), 1887- 

1937 . . . Fiftieth Anniversary Memento. St. Louis, Eden Publishing 

House, n. d. 25p. 
LEWIS, GEORGE, and JOAN LEWIS, Rolling in the Isles. Lawrence, Allen Press 

[c!957]. 135p. 
LOVEWELL DAM DEDICATION COMMITTEE, Lovewell Dam Dedication Brochure. 

Belleville, Telescope Publishing Company [1958?]. Unpaged. 
LUNGREN, MAURICE C., A Study of the Use of Editorial Expression in the 

Weekly Newspapers of Kansas for the Years 1925, 1940, and 1955. A 

Thesis Submitted to the William Allen White School of Journalism and 

Public Information and the Faculty of the Graduate School of the University 

of Kansas in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master 

of Science. N. p., 1957. Typed. 88p. 
[LYMAN, EUNICE], In Memoriam of Professor Linnaeus A. Thomas, Born 

October 8, 1845, Died November 11, 1881. [Topeka, Kansas State Teachers 

Association, 1882.] [7]p. 
[McCLouo, MRS. MARGARET], Collection of Original Poems Used on "Gocf* 

Half Hour." No impr. Unpaged. 
McCRACKEN, HAROLD, The Charles M. Russell Book, the Life and Work of the 

Cowboy Artist. Garden City, N. Y., Doubleday & Company, 1957. 236p. 
MALLORY, AILEEN, Paying Projects for Clubs. Minneapolis, T. S. Denison & 

Company [c!957]. 186p. 
MATHER, WILLIAM D., The Revolt of Little Wolf's Northern Cheyennes. A 

Thesis Submitted to the Graduate School in Partial Fulfillment of the Re- 
quirements for the Degree of Master of Arts, Department of History, the 

University of Wichita. Wichita, University of Wichita, 1958. Typed. 127p. 
MENNINGER, WILLIAM C., How You Grow Up. New York, Sterling Publishing 

Company [c!957]. 187p. 
, and HARRY LEVTNSON, Human Understanding in Industry, a Guide 

for Supervisors. Chicago, Science Research Associates, c!956. 104p. 
MIDDLETON, HARRY, and WARREN KIEFER, Pax. New York, Random House 

[c!958]. [280]p. 
MILTONVALE, FIRST PRESBYTERIAN CHURCH, Seventy-Fifth Anniversary of First 

Presbyterian Church, Miltonvale, Kansas, 1882-1957 [by Fannie Palmer]. 

No impr. Unpaged. 
MONTGOMERY, SAPHRONIA G., The Christian Woman, a Religious Miscellany. 

New York, Exposition Press [c!954]. 58p. 
NEMER, ALYCE E., Cooks and Capitols, a Book of Foods and Facts for Folk. 

Wichita, n. p., c!958. 56p. 
NORTON, IMMANUEL LUTHERAN CHURCH, Fiftieth Anniversary . . . 1908- 

1958. N. p. [1958?]. 15p. 
[OMER, GEORGE E., JR.], An Army Hospital From Horses to Helicopters. [Fort 

Riley, U. S. Army] n. d. [106]p. 
OSAWATOMIE, CHAMBER OF COMMERCE, John Brown Memorial State Park and 

Other Historic Spots in and Around Osawatomie. No impr. Folder. 
PAXTON, JUNE LEMERT, My Life on the Mojave. New York, Vantage Press 

[c!957]. 168p. 


PERRINGS, MYRA, The Circle Is Forever. Dallas, Triangle Publishing Company 
[c!957]. 40p. 

PETERSON, ELLEN (WELANDER), A Kansans Enterprise (the Story of Enterprise, 
Kansas). Enterprise, Enterprise Baptist Church [c!957]. 260p. 

PHILIPS, EULA MARK, Chuco, the Boy With the Good "Name. Chicago, Follett 
Publishing Company [c!957]. 141p. 

Folk's Topeka (Shawnee County, Kansas) City Directory, 1958, Including 
Shawnee County Taxpayers . . . Kansas City, Mo., R. L. Polk and 
Company, c!958. [1604]p. 

ROBINSON, ALICE M., The Unbelonging. New York, Macmillan Company, 1958. 

RULEY, A. N., comp., Buleys Directory, Hiawatha City, the Business Man's 
Guide, July, 1915 . . . [Hiawatha] Compiler, 1915. Unpaged. 

RUSSELL, ETHEL GREEN, Deep Bayou. Lowell, Mass., Alentour House, 1941. 

, Land of Evangeline. Cincinnati, Talaria, 1950. 78p. 

SCHADT, RODNEY MARVIN, The Independent Rural High School District in 
Kansas. A Dissertation Submitted to the Graduate School [of] Northwest- 
ern University in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree 
Doctor of Education. N. p., c!957. Typed. 326p. Microfilm. 1 Vol. on 
1 Reel. 

SCHAEFERS, WILLIAM, Catholic Highlights of Europe (Kansans Abroad). Bos- 
ton, Christopher Publishing House [c!956]. 205p. 

SCHUMACHER, ALVIN J., What Will I Be? Milwaukee, Bruce Publishing Com- 
pany [c!957]. Unpaged. 

SEIFERT, WILLIAM E., JR., Tempest Tossed. New York, Vantage Press [c!958]. 

SHARP, W. A. SEWARD, History of Kansas Baptists. [Kansas City, Kan., Kansas 
City Seminary Press] 1939. 259p. 

SHIRLEY, GLENN, Pawnee Bill, a Biography of Major Gordon W. Lillie. Albu- 
querque, University of New Mexico, 1958. 256p. 

SHOEMAKER, RALPH J., The Presidents Words, an Index. Vol. 3, Eisenhower, 
1956. Vol. 4, Eisenhower, 1957. Louisville [Elsie DeGrafI Shoemaker 
and Ralph J. Shoemaker, c!957, 1958.] 2 Vols. 

SOCOLOFSKY, HOMER E., ed., Bibliography of Theses and Dissertations Pertain- 
ing to Kansas History . . . Manhattan, Kansas State College, 1958. 

SPENCER, CHARLES, ed., Atchisons Storm Disaster, Friday, July 11 and 
Wednesday, July 30, 1958, Photographed by Jess Torbett. Revised Edition. 
Atchison, Sutherland Printing Company [1958?]. Unpaged. 

Convention of Colored Citizens, Held in the City of Lawrence, October 
17, 1866. Leavenworth, Evening Bulletin Steam Power Printing House, 1866. 
Photostat Copy. 8p. 

STOUT, RUTH, Company Coming, Six Decades of Hospitality, Do-It-"Yourself 
and Otherwise. New York, Exposition Press [c!958]. 155p. 

STRONKS, JAMES B., William Dean Howells, Ed Howe, and The Story of a 
Country Town. (Reprinted from American Literature, Vol. 29, No. 4, 
January, 1958.) [6]p. 


STUMBO, CHARLES WILLIAM, Clouds Over Destiny. New York, Vantage Press 
[c!957]. 241p. 

THOLEN, HERMAN J., History of St. Joseph's Council No. 1325, Hays, Kansas, 
Knights of Columbus, Commemorating the Golden Jubilee of Its Founding, 
May 17, 1908. N. p. [1958?]. 35p. 

TOPEKA, HIGH SCHOOL, Topeka High School, 1955-1956, General Information 
and Curriculum Handbook. [Topeka] n. p., n. d. Mimeographed. [200]p. 

, ORDINANCES, 1957, The Topeka Code of Revised Ordinances, 1957 

. . . Prepared by the League of Kansas Municipalities Under the Super- 
vision of the City Attorney . . . Topeka, Hall Lithographing Company, 
n. d. Unpaged. 

TROW, CLIFFORD WAYNE, The Lecompton Conspiracy; a History of the Le- 
compton Constitution Movement in Kansas and the Nation, 1857 and 1858. 
A Thesis Submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of the University 
of Colorado in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Master 
of Arts. N. p., 1958. Typed. 181p. 

TUCKER, SAMUEL, Price Raid Through Linn County, Kansas, October 24-25, 
1864. N. p. [c!958]. 17p. 

Union Cemetery, Winfield, Kansas. No impr. Typed. [3]p. 

VAIL, JANE, Becky's Little World. New York, Exposition Press [c!957]. 48p. 

VAIL, THOMAS HUBBARD, Annual Address . . . Before the Diocesan Con- 
vention at Fort Scott, May 10, 1871. Lawrence, Journal Book and Job 
Printing House, 1871. 21p. 

VAN NES, MARY F., Into the Wind. Philadelphia, J. B. Lippincott Company 
[c!957]. 224p. 

WALTON, WILLIAM M., Life and Adventures of Ben Thompson, the Famous 
Texan . . . Houston, Frontier Press of Texas, 1954. 232p. 

WARK, HOMER E., The Religion of a Soldier. No impr. 23p. 

WELLMAN, MANLY WADE, Fastest on the River, the Great Race Between the 
"Natchez" and the "Robert E. Lee." New York, Henry Holt and Company 
[c!957]. 234p. 

WELLMAN, PAUL ISELIN, Ride the Red Earth. Garden City, N. Y., Doubleday 
and Company, 1958. 448p. 

WOOLF, MAURICE D., and JEANNE A. WOOLF, Remedial Reading, Teaching and 
Treatment. New York, McGraw-Hill Book Company, 1957. 424p. 

WYATT, P. J., "I'm Not Selling Anything" Some Folklore From Kansas. A 
Thesis Submitted to the Graduate School in Partial Fulfillment of the Re- 
quirements for the Degree of Master of Arts. Bloomington, Indiana Uni- 
versity, 1956. Typed. 178p. 


ADAMS, RAMON F., comp. and ed., The Best of the American Cowboy. Norman, 

University of Oklahoma Press [c!957]. 289p. 
ALEXANDER, LLOYD, Border Hawk, August Bondi. N. p., Farrar, Straus and 

Cudahy [c!958]. 182p. 
BARTHOLOMEW, ED., Biographical Album of Western Gunflghters . . . 

Houston, Frontier Press of Texas, 1958. Unpaged. 
BLASINGAME, IKE, Dakota Cowboy, My Life in the Old Days. New York, G. P. 

Putnam's Sons [c!958]. 317p. 


BROWN, DEE, The Gentle Tamers, Women of the Old Wild West. New York, 

G. P. Putnam's Sons [c!958]. 317p. 
CARPENTER, WILL TOM, Lucky 7, a Cowman's Autobiography, Edited . . . 

by Elton Miles. Austin, University of Texas Press [c!957]. 119p. 
CARTER, KATE B., Riders of the Pony Express, Special Edition. N. p., Pony 

Express Mid-Century Memorial Commission of Utah [1952]. 54p. 
CROGHAN, GEORGE, Army Life on the Western Frontier, Selections From the 

Official Reports Made Between 1826 and 1845, Edited by Francis Paul 

Prucha. Norman, University of Oklahoma Press [c!958]. 187p. 
CROY, HOMER, Trigger Marshal, the Story of Chris Madsen. New York, Duell, 

Sloan and Pearce [c!958]. 267p. 
DAVIS, BURKE, Jeb Stuart, the Last Cavalier. New York, Rinehart & Company 

[c!957]. 462p. 
DEBARTHE, JOE, Life and Adventures of Frank Grouard. Norman, University 

of Oklahoma Press [c!958]. 268p. 
EWERS, JOHN C., The Blackfeet, Raiders on the Northwestern Plains. Norman, 

University of Oklahoma Press [c!958]. 348p. 
FIELD, MATTHEW C., Prairie and Mountain Sketches, Collected by Clyde and 

Mae Reed Porter . . . Norman, University of Oklahoma Press [c!957]. 

GARNSEY, MORRIS E., America's New Frontier, the Mountain West. New York, 

Alfred A. Knopf, 1950. [323]p. 
GOTTFREDSON, PETER, comp. and ed., History of Indian Depredations in Utah. 

[Salt Lake City, Skelton Publishing Company, c!919.] [369]p. 
HAFEN, LEROY R., and ANN W. HAFEN, eds., The Utah Expedition, 1857-1858; 

a Documentary Account of the United States Military Movement Under 

Colonel Albert Sidney Johnston . . . Glendale, Cal., Arthur H. Clark 

Company, 1958. 375p. (The Far West and the Rockies Historical Series, 

1820-1875, Vol. 8.) 

HAGAN, WILLIAM T., The Sac and Fox Indians. Norman, University of Okla- 
homa Press [c!958]. 287p. 
HANSEN, MARCUS L., Old Fort Snelling, 1819-1858. Minneapolis, Ross & 

Haines, 1958. 270p. 
HARDIN, JOHN WESLEY, The Life of John Wesley Hardin, From the Original 

Manuscript as Written by Himself. Seguin, Tex., Smith & Moore, 1896. 


HARPENDING, ASBURY, The Great Diamond Hoax and Other Stirring Incidents 
-:>': . Edited by James H. Wilkins. Norman, University of Oklahoma 

Press [c!958]. 211p. 
HEAP, GWTNN HARRIS, Central Route to the Pacific . . . Edited by LeRoy 

R. Hafen and Ann W. Hafen. Glendale, Cal., Arthur H. Clark Company, 

1957. 346p. 
HOIG, STAN, The Humor of the American Cowboy. Caldwell, Idaho, Caxton 

Printers, 1958. 193p. 
HOWARD, ROBERT WEST, ed., This is the West. New York, Rand McNally & 

Company [c!957]. 248p. 
HUNT, AURORA, Major General James Henry Carleton, 1814-1873, Western 

Frontier Dragoon. Glendale, Cal., Arthur H. Clark Company, 1958. 390p. 
HUNTER, JOHN D., Manners and Customs of Several Indian Tribes Located 

West of the Mississippi . . . Minneapolis, Ross & Haines, 1957. 402p. 


JACKSON, WILLIAM HENRY, Pageant of Pioneers . . . by Clarence S. Jack- 
son. Minden, Neb., The Harold Warp Pioneer Village [c!958]. 89p. 

JAHNS, PAT, The Frontier World of Doc Holliday, Faro Dealer, From Dallas to 
Deadwood. New York, Hastings House [c!957]. 305p. 

KEITH, ELMER, Sixguns by Keith, the Standard Reference Work. Harrisburg, 
Pa., Stackpole Company [c!955]. 308p. 

KUHLMAN, CHARLES, Did Custer Disobey Orders at the Battle of the Little Big 
Horn? Harrisburg, Pa., Stackpole Company [c!957]. 56p. 

LEE, NELSON, Three Years Among the Comanches, the Narrative of Nelson Lee, 
the Texas Ranger. Norman, University of Oklahoma Press [c!957]. 179p. 

McREYNOLDS, EDWIN C., The Seminoles. Norman, University of Oklahoma 
Press [c!957]. 397p. 

MALONE, HENRY THOMPSON, Cherokees of the Old South, a People in Transi- 
tion. Athens, University of Georgia Press [c!9561. 238p. 

MARQUIS, THOMAS BAILEY, Rain-in-the-Face and Curly, the Crow. N. p., 
c!934. [81p. 

, She Watched Custer s Last Battle . . . N. p., c!933. [8]p. 

, Sitting Bull and Gall, the Warrior. N. p., c!934. [8]p. 

, Sketch Story of the Custer Battle . . . N. p., c!933. [8]p. 

, Two Days After the Custer Battle . . . N. p., c!935. [8]p. 

, Which Indian Killed Custer? Custer Soldiers Not Buried. N. p., 

c!933. lOp. 

MARRIOTT, ALICE, Maria: the Potter on San Ildefonso. Norman, University 
of Oklahoma Press [c!948]. 294p. 

MASTERSON, WILLIAM BARCLAY, Famous Gunfighters of the Western Frontier 
. . . Houston, Frontier Press of Texas, 1957. 112p. 

MILLER, DAVID HUMPHREYS, Custer s Fall, the Indian Side of the Story. New 
York, Duell, Sloan and Pearce [c!957]. 271p. 

MOORHEAD, MAX L., New Mexico's Royal Road, Trade and Travel on the Chi- 
huahua Trail. Norman, University of Oklahoma Press [c!958]. 234p. 

MUMEY, NOLIE, James Pierson Beckwourth, 1856-1866 . . . a History of 
the Latter Years of His Life. Denver, Old West Publishing Company, 1957. 

, March of the First Dragoons to the Rocky Mountains in 1835, the 

Diaries and Maps of Lemuel Ford . . . Denver, Eames Brothers Press, 

1957. [116]p. 

MURRAY, JOHN J., The Heritage of the Middle West. Norman, University of 

Oklahoma Press [c!958]. 303p. 
NEIDER, CHARLES, ed., The Great West. New York, Coward-McCann [c!958]. 

PEYTON, JOHN ROWZEE, 3 Letters From St. Louis. Denver, Libros Escogidos, 

1958. 45p. 

POWELL, LAWRENCE CLARK, Books, West Southwest; Essays on Writers, Their 

Books and Their Land. Los Angeles, Ward Ritchie Press [c!957]. 157p. 
, A Southwestern Century, a Bibliography of One Hundred Books of 

Non Fiction About the Southwest . . . Van Nuys, Cal., J. E. Reynolds 

[c!958]. 29p. 
PRATT, FLETCHER, Civil War on Western Waters. New York, Henry Holt and 

Company [c!956]. 255p. 


PRETTYMAN, W. S., Indian Territory, a Frontier Photographic Record, Selected 

and Edited by Robert E. Cunningham. Norman, University of Oklahoma 

Press [c!957]. 174p. 

PREUSS, CHARLES, Exploring With Fremont . . . Translated and Edited 
by Erwin G. and Elizabeth K. Gudde. Norman, University of Oklahoma 

Press [c!958]. 162p. 
REMINGTON, FREDERIC, 'Buckskins,' Portraits of the Old West; the Original Folio 

of Eight Color Prints Superbly Reproduced. [New York, Penn Prints, c!956.] 

8 Broadsides. 
REYNOLDS, J. E., History of the Westerners. [Los Angeles] Los Angeles Corral 

of the Westerners [1957]. Unpaged. 
RICKEY, DON, War in the West the Indian Campaigns. Crow Agency, Mont., 

Custer Battlefield Historical Museum Association [c!956]. 37p. 
RISTER, CARL COKE, Comanche Bondage; Dr. John Charles Beale's Settlement 

. . . in Southern Texas of the 1830' s With an Annotated Reprint of 

Sarah Ann Horns Narrative . . . Glendale, Cal., Arthur H. Clark Com- 
pany, 1955. 210p. 
SANDOZ, MARI, The Cattlemen, From the Rio Grande Across the Far Marias. 

New York, Hastings House [c!958]. 527p. 
SHIRLEY, GLENN, Buckskin and Spurs, a Gallery of Frontier Rogues and Heroes. 

New York, Hastings House [c!958]. 191p. 
SOLLID, ROBERTA BEED, Calamity Jane, a Study in Historical Criticism. [Helena, 

Mont.] Western Press, c!958. 147p. 
TANNER, CLARA LEE, Southwest Indian Painting. Tucson, University of Arizona 

Press [c!957]. 157p. 
TAYLOR, Ross McLAURY, We Were There on the Chisholm Trail. Historical 

Consultant, Stanley Vestal New York, Grosset & Dunlap [1957]. 176p. 
TEMPLE, WAYNE C., Indian Villages of the Illinois Country; Historic Tribes. 

Springfield, Printed by Authority of the State of Illinois, 1958. 218p. 
THORP, RAYMOND W., and ROBERT BUNKER, Crow Killer, the Saga of Liver- 
Eating Johnson. [Bloomington] Indiana University Press [c!958]. 190p. 
WALTON, WILLIAM M., Life and Adventures of Ben Thompson, the Famous 

Texan. Houston, Frontier Press of Texas, 1954. 232p. 

WATERS, FRANK, Masked Gods, Navaho and Pueblo Ceremonialism. [Albu- 
querque] University of New Mexico Press [c!950]. 438p. 
WEBB, WILLIAM S., and RAYMOND S. BABY, The Adena People, No. 2. N. p., 

Ohio Historical Society [c!957]. 123p. 
WESTERMEIER, CLIFFORD P., Who Rush to Glory, the Cmuboy Volunteers of 

1898 . . . Caldwell, Idaho, Caxton Printers, 1958. 272p. 
WESTERNERS, DENVER, 1956 Brand Book of the Denver Westerners. Denver, 

The Westerners, 1957. 383p. 
, Los ANGELES, Brand Book, Book Number 7. [Los Angeles, The Los 

Angeles Westerners, c!957.] 293p. 
WHEAT, CARL I., Mapping the Transmississippi West, 1540-1861, Vol. I, 

Spanish Entrada to the Louisiana Purchase, 1540-1804. San Francisco, 

Institute of Historical Cartography, 1957. 264p. 
WISTER, OWEN, Owen Wister Out West; His Journals and Letters, Edited by 

Fanny Wister. [Chicago] University of Chicago Press [c!958]. 269p. 



ALVORD, SAMUEL MORGAN, A Genealogy of the Descendants of Alexander 
Alvord . . . Webster, N. Y., A. D. Andrew, 1908. 823p. 

BEIRNE, FRANCIS F., Baltimore, a Picture Story, 1858-1958 . . . Compiled 
Under the Auspices of the Maryland Historical Society . . . New York, 
Hastings House [c!957]. 153p. 

BELL, RAYMOND MARTIN, Heads of Families in Mifflin County, Pa., 1790 
(Including Present Mifflin, Juniata, and Part of Centre County) . . . 
Lewistown, Pa., n. p., 1958. Mimeographed. 30p. 

, Supplement to the Baskins-Baskin Family . . . Washington, Pa., 

n. p., 1958. 102p. 

BOWEN, RICHARD LEBARON, Massachusetts Records, a Handbook for Genealo- 
gists, Historians, Lawyers, and Other Researchers. Rehoboth, Privately 
Printed, 1957. 66p. 

BRAND, DONALD D., History of Scotts Bluffs, Nebraska. Berkeley, Cal., De- 
partment of the Interior, National Park Service, Field Division of Education, 
1934. 83p. 

BRIMLOW, GEORGE FRANCIS, Harney County, Oregon, and Its Range Land. 
Portland, Binfords & Mort [c!951]. 316p. 

BRINK, BENJAMIN MYER, The Early History of Saugerties, 1660-1825. Kings- 
ton, N. Y., R. W. Anderson & Son, 1902. 365p. 

BROWER, BLANCHE FRENCH, comp., French Genealogy, 1798-1957. [Scott 
City, Kan., News Chronicle Printing Company] 1957. 20p. 

BROWN, MARGUERITE, and VERNON BROWN, Ewing McCulloch Buchanan 
Genealogy. Dallas, Royal Publishing Company [c!957]. HOp. 

BUNCE, JULIA LOCKE FRAME, Some of the Descendants of David Frame-Fraim 
and His Wife, Catherine Miller. [Ann Arbor, Mich., Edwards Brothers, 
c!953.] 238p. 

CARR, NANON LUCILE, comp., Marriage Records of Clay County, Missouri, 
1822-1852. N. p., Compiler, c!957. Mimeographed. 78p. 

, comp., Marriage Records of Clinton County, Missouri, 1833-1870. 

N. p., Compiler, c!955. Mimeographed. 89p. 

_, comp., Wills and Administrations of Clinton County, Missouri, 1833- 

1870. N. p., Compiler, c 1954. Mimeographed. 54p. 

CHARLESTON, FREE LIBRARY, Index to Wills of Charleston County, South Caro- 
lina, 1671-1868. Charleston, Charleston Free Library, 1950. 324p. 

CHILDS, JAMES RIVES, Reliques of the Rives (Ryves) . . . Lynchburg, 
Va., J. P. Bell Company, 1929. 750p. 

CLIFT, G. GLENN, The "'Corn Stalk" Militia of Kentucky, 1792-1811 . . . 
Frankfort, Kentucky Historical Society, 1957. 265p. 

Cody Family in America, 1698; Descendants of Philip and Martha, Massa- 
chusetts. N. p., Lydia S. Cody, 1954. 257p. 

Commemorative Biographical Record of Northeastern Pennsylvania Including 
Counties of Susquehanna, Wayne, Pike and Monroe . . . Chicago, 
J. H. Beers & Company, 1900. 1852p. 

COMSTOCK, JOHN MOORE, Chelsea, the Origin of Chelsea, Vermont, and a 
Record of Its Institutions and Individuals. N. p., 1944. 62p. 


CONDIT, JOTHAM H., and EBEN CONDIT, Genealogical Record of the Condit 

Family, Descendants of John Cunditt . . . N. p., Privately Printed, 

n. d. 470p. 
COPE, GILBERT, comp., Genealogy of the Smedley Family, Descended From 

George and Sarah Smedley, Settlers in Chester County, Pennsijlvania . . 

Lancaster, Pa., Wickersham Printing Company, 1901. lOOOp. 
COPPER, WALTER G., Official History of Fulton County [Georgia]. N. p., His- 
tory Commission, c!934. 912p. 
Cox, STANLEY M., comp., Joseph Cox, Ancestors and Descendants. N. p., 1955. 


tions of the Family of Strangeman Hutchins and His Wife Elizabeth Cox, 

as Known January 10, 1935 . . . [Kokomo, Ind.] Privately Printed, 

n. d. 20p. 
DARDEN, NEWTON JASPER, comp., Darden Family History With Notes on 

Ancestry of Allied Families ... No impr. 190p. 
DARTER, OSCAR H., Colonial Fredericksburg and Neighborhood in Perspective. 

New York, Twayne Publishers [c!957], 333p. 

Directory of Members and Ancestors . . . N. p., Society, 1957. 556p. 
DAVIS, BAILEY FULTON, Index to Sixth Edition of History of Kentucky, by 

Perrin, Battle, and Kniffin, Published in 1887 . . . N. p., c!956. Mime- 
ographed. 67p. 
DAVIS, EARL H., comp., Hobson, Descendants of George and Elizabeth Hobson 

. . . Long Beach, Cal., n. p., 1957. 323p. 
DAYTON, ALTA ALLDREDGE, Record of the Posterity of Samuel Harrison Smith 

and Caroline Mooney Smith and Mary Ellen Batman Smith . . . N. p., 

1957. [193]p. 
Descendants of Nicholas Perkins of Virginia. [Ann Arbor, Mich., Edwards 

Brothers, c!957.] 700p. 
DE WOLFE, EDITH, ed., History of Putney, Vermont, 1753-1953. Putney, The 

Fortnightly Club, 1953. 221p. 
DILLS, R. S., History of Greene County . . . and the State of Ohio 

. . . Dayton, Odell & Mayer, 1881. 1018p. 
DORMAN, JOHN FREDERICK, Orange County, Virginia, Will Book 1, 1735-1743. 

Washington, D. C., n. p., 1958. Mimeographed. 72p. 
DOUGHTIE, BEATRICE MACKEY, The Mackeys (Variously Spelled) and Allied 

Families. N. p., Privately Printed [c!957]. 1002p. 
DUTCH SETTLERS SOCIETY OF ALBANY, Yearbook, Vols. 32 and 33, 1956-1958. 

Albany, N. Y., [Society, 1958]. 57p. 

1956. N. p. [c!958]. 73p. 
EAST TENNESSEE HISTORICAL SOCIETY, Publications, No. 29, 1957. Knoxville, 

Society, 1957. 202p. 

EISENHART, WILLIS W., Abbott-Adlum-Green Families. N. p., 1957. 78p. 
, Ancestry of the John Franklin Eisenhart Family. Abbottstown, Pa., 

n. p., 1951. 150p. 


ogy of Alexander Elliott 6- Delayede Belisle 6- Mose Gervaise 6- Marie Ve~ 

giard-Labonte . . . N. p., 1958. 63p. 
Encyclopedia of Pennsylvania Biography, Vol. 30. New York, Lewis Historical 

Publishing Company, 1957. 297p. 
ESSEX INSTITUTE, The Essex Institute Historical Collections Name, Place and 

Subject Index of Volumes 23 to 43, 1886 to 1907. N. p., Printed for the 

Essex Institute, 1958. 624p. 
EVANS, MABLE E. ADAMS, Kimble and Elvina (Smith) Adams. Manhattan, 

Kan., Author, 1859. [17]p. 
EVERTON, GEORGE B., and GUNNAR RASMUSON, Handy Book for Genealogists, 

Third Edition . . . Logan, Utah, Everton Publishers [c!957]. 205p. 
FLETCHER, ROBERT HOWE, JR., comp., Genealogical Sketch of Certain of the 

American Descendants of Mathew Talbot, Gentleman. N. p., Privately 

Printed, 1956. 70p. 
FORTSON, JOHN, Pott Country and What Has Become of It, a History of Potta- 

watomie County [Oklahoma]. N. p., Pottawatomie County Historical 

Society, 1936. 90p. 
GAINES, B. O., History of Scott County [Kentucky]. Georgetown, Ky., Frye 

Printing Company, 1957. 120p. 
GENEALOGICAL FORUM OF PORTLAND, OREGON, Genealogical Material in Oregon 

Donation Land Claims, Vol. 1. Portland, Genealogical Forum, 1957. 152p. 
GERBERICH, ALBERT H., The Brenneman History. Scottdale, Pa., Mennonite 

Publishing House, 1938. 1217p. 
GREGG, JACOB RAY, Pioneer Days in Malheur County [Oregon] . . . Los 

Angeles, Privately Printed, 1950. 442p. 
GROVES, JOSEPH A., Alstons and Allstons of North and South Carolina . . . 

Atlanta, Ga., Franklin Printing and Publishing Company, 1901. 367p. 
HAMILTON, JAMES MCCLELLAN, From Wilderness to Statehood, a History of 

Montana, 1805-1900. Portland, Ore., Binfords & Mort [c!957]. 620p. 
History of Marion County, Iowa . . . Des Moines, Union Historical Com- 
pany, 1881. 807p. 
History of Marion County, Ohio. Chicago, Leggett, Conway & Company, 1883. 

History of Mercer County, Pennsylvania . . . Also a Condensed History 

of Pennsylvania. Chicago, Brown, Runk & Company, 1888. 1210p. 
History of Schuylkill County, Pennsylvania, With Illustrations and Biographical 

Sketches . . . New York, W. W. Munsell & Company, 1881. [450]p. 
History of Southern Oregon, Comprising Jackson, Josephine, Douglas, Curry 

and Coos Counties . . . Portland, A. G. Walling, 1884. 545p. 
History of Steele and Waseca Counties, Minnesota . . . Chicago, Union 

Publishing Company, 1887. 756p. 
HODGES, FRANCES BEAL SMITH, Gordons of Spotsylvania County, Virginia, With 

Notes on Gordons of Scotland. Wichita Falls, Tex., Wichita Multigraphing 

Company, c!934. 35p. 

HOOK, JAMES W., comp., George Michael Eller and His Descendants in Amer- 
ica . . . New Haven, Conn., Compiler [1957?]. 485p. 



[HOWELL, MRS. CLARENCE S.], The Howell Genealogy. No impr. Typed. 7p. 

, The Pettibone Genealogy. No impr. Typed, lip. 

, The Roe Genealogy. No impr. Typed. 5p. 

HUGUENOT SOCIETY OF SOUTH CAROLINA, Transactions, No. 62. Charleston, 

Society, 1957. 52p. 
[HYNES, LEE POWERS], Our Heritage; a Record of Information About the Hynes, 

Wait, Powers, Chenault, Maxey, Brewster, Starr and Mclntosh Families 

. . . [Haddonfield, N. J.] n. p. [1957]. 90p. 
KENNEDY, ROBERT P., Historical Review of Logan County, Ohio, Together With 

Biographical Sketches. Chicago, S. J. Clarke Publishing Company, 1903. 

KENTUCKY, ADJUTANT GENERAL, . . . Soldiers of the War of 1812. 

Frankfort, Printed by Authority of the Legislature of Kentucky, 1891. 370p. 
KINSEY, FRANK STEWART, comp., Stewarts, Dressers, Tafts, Cones. Los Angeles, 

American Offset Printers, 1956. 388p. 
KNORR, CATHERINE LINDSAY, comp., Marriage Bonds and Ministers' Returns of 

Brunswick County, Virginia, 1750-1810. N. p., Compiler, 1953. Mimeo- 
graphed. 138p. 
, comp., Marriage Bonds and Ministers' Returns of Halifax County, 

Virginia, 1753-1800. N. p., Compiler [c!957]. Mimeographed. 134p. 
, comp., Marriage Bonds and Ministers' Returns of Pittsylvania County, 

Virginia, 1767-1805. N. p., Compiler, 1956. Mimeographed. 127p. 
, comp., Marriage Bonds and Ministers' Returns of Powhatan County, 

Virginia, 1777-1830. N. p., Compiler, 1957. Mimeographed. lOlp. 
, comp., Marriages of Culpeper County, Virginia, 1781-1815. N. p., 

Compiler, 1954. Mimeographed. 127p. 
KOZEE, WILLIAM C., Pioneer Families of Eastern and Southeastern Kentucky. 

Huntington, W. Va., Standard Printing and Publishing Company [c!957], 

LAMBETH, MARY WEEKS, Memories and Records of Eastern North Carolina. 

N. p., Privately Printed [c!957]. 252p. 
LATTA, F. F., The Lord's Vineyard, Including the Life of E. C. Latta, 1831- 

1909. Shafter, Cal., Author, 1940. 91p. 

[LEDLEY, W. VAN D.], Index to the First Book of Records of the Dutch Re- 
formed Church of Brooklyn, New York. [New York] n. p. [1957]. Typed. 

LONDON, HOYT H., A Genealogical History of One Branch of the London 

Family in America . . . Columbia, University of Missouri, 1957. 52p. 
LOOMIS, NOEL M., The Texan-Santa Fe Pioneers. Norman, University of 

Oklahoma [c!958]. 329p. 
MCCULLOUGH, ROSE CHAMBERS GOODE, Yesterday When It Is Past. Richmond, 

Va., William Byrd Press, 1957. 403p. 

MACLYSAGHT, EDWARD, Irish Families, Their Names, Arms and Origins. Dub- 
lin, Hodges Figgis & Company, 1957. 366p. 
MACMILLAN, SOMERLED, Emigration of Lochaber MacMillans to Canada in 

1802. [Ipswich, Mass., Privately Printed] c!958. [15]p. 
MCPHERSON, LEWIN DWINELL, comp., Calhoun, Hamilton, Baskin and Related 

Families. N. p. [c!957]. 447p. 


MCREYNOLDS, EDWIN C., Oklahoma, a History of the Sooner State. Norman, 

University of Oklahoma Press [c!954]. 461p. 

MARSHALL, HARRY A., Our Children, 1818-1954. N. p., 1954. Chart. 
MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY, Proceedings, Vol. 70, October, 1950 

May, 1953. Boston, Society, 1957. 418p. 
METCALF, JOHN G., comp., Annals of the Town of Mendon [Massachusetts] 

From 1659 to 1880. Providence, R. I., E. L. Freeman & Company, 1880. 

MISSISSIPPI GENEALOGICAL SOCIETY, Cemetery and Bible Records. Jackson, 

Miss., Society, 1957. 233p. 
, comp., Survey of Records in Mississippi Court Houses. Jackson, Miss., 

Society, 1957. 180p. 

Lineage Book, Vol. 31. N. p., 1958. 432p. 

Book, Book 2, Supplemental, 1945-1949. N. p., 1957. [159]p. 
, Lineage Book, Vol. 11, 10001-11000, 1957. Annandale, Va., Society, 

1957. [420]p. 
NYE, MARY GREEN, Early History of Berlin, Vermont, 1763-1820. N. p., 

Norbert J. Towne and H. J. Dodge [c!954]. 98p. 
Our Quaker Friends of Ye Olden Time . . . Hanover County and . . . 

Campbell County, Va. Lynchburg, Va., J. P. Bell Company, 1905. 287p. 
Panhandle-Plains Historical Review, Vol. 30. Canyon, Tex., Panhandle-Plains 

Historical Society, 1957. 132p. 
Past and Present of Eaton County, Michigan . . . With Biographical 

Sketches . . . Lansing, Michigan Historical Publishing Association, 

n. d. 663p. 
Past and Present of Kane County, Illinois . . . Chicago, William Le Baron, 

Jr., & Company, 1878. [826]p. 
PENNYPACKER, SAMUEL WHITAKER, Annals of Phoenixville [Pennsylvania] and 

Its Vicinity: From the Settlement to the Year 1871 . . . Philadelphia, 

Bavis & Pennypacker, 1872. 295p. 
PERRIN, WILLIAM HENRY, ed., [Kentucky History.} [Chicago, F. A. Battey, 

1884-1888.] Microfilm. 7 Vols. on 3 Reels. 

PETERSON, EMIL R., and ALFRED POWERS, A Century of Coos and Curry; His- 
tory of Southwest Oregon. Coquille, Coos-Curry Pioneer and Historical 

Association, 1952. 599p. 
PHILLIPS, HARRY A., History of Glover and Runaway Pond, a Poem in Two 

Cantos. [Lyndonville, Vt., Northeastern Vermont Development Association] 

n. d. 50p. 
POLLARD, ANNIE M., History of the Town of Baltimore, Vermont. Montpelier, 

Vermont Historical Society [c!954]. 208p. 
POWELL, WILLIAM S., North Carolina Histories, a Bibliography. Chapel Hill, 

University of North Carolina Library, 1958. 27p. (University of North 

Carolina Library Studies, No. 1.) 
PRESTON, RICHARD A., trans., and LEOPOLD LAMONTAGNE, ed., Royal Fort 

Frontenac. Toronto, Champlain Society, 1958. 503p. (Publications of 

the Champlain Society, Ontario Series, Vol. 2.) 


PRITCHARD, RUTH MITCHELL, comp., The Genealogical Record of the Ancestors 
and Descendants of Perley and Phebe (Lewis) Mitchell of Parke County, 
Indiana. N. p., 1958. Mimeographed. 28p. 

PUGH, JESSE FORBES, Three Hundred Y 'ears Along the Pasquotank, a Biographi- 
cal History of Camden County. Old Trapp, N. C., n. p. [c!957]. 249p. 

PUTNEY, VT., FORTNIGHTLY CLUB, comp., People of Putney , 1 753-1 953. 
[Putney, Fortnightly Club] 1953. 86p. 

RANDOLPH, WASSELL, Pedigree of the Descendants of Henry Randolph I 
(1623-1673) of Henrico County, Virginia. Memphis, n. p., 1957. 277p. 

REYNOLDS, ELON G., ed., Compendium of History and Biography of Hillsdale 
County, Michigan. Chicago, A. W. Bowen & Company [1903]. 460p. 

RICKS, JOEL E., and EVERETT L. COOLEY, eds., The History of a Valley, Cache 
Valley, Utah-Idaho. Logan, Utah, Cache Valley Centennial Commission, 
1956. 504p. 

ROYSE, MINTIE ALLEN, The Rennet Family. Indianapolis, Indiana Historical 
Society, 1958. 98p. (Indiana Historical Society Publications, Vol. 20, No. 

SAN JOAQUIN GENEALOGICAL SOCIETY, comp., Gold Rush Days; Vital Statistics 
Copied From Early Newspapers of Stockton, California, 1850-1855. Stock- 
ton, Society, 1958. Mimeographed. 103p. 

SCARBOROUGH, JEWEL DAVIS, Southern Kith and Kin. Volume 3, Major James 
Scarborough, His Ancestors and Descendants. Abilene, Tex., Abilene Print- 
ing Company [c!957]. 218p. 

SHEEHAN, BEATRICE LINSKILL, comp., Descendants of William Lain and Keziah 
Mather With Her Lineage From Reverend Richard Mather. Brooklyn, 
N. Y., Theo. Gaus' Sons, 1957. 310p. 

SHIELDS, JOHN A., The Bennett Rook, a Family History . . . [Seymour, 
Ind., Author, 1956.] Mimeographed. 112p. 

SIMS, EDGAR B., Making a State; Formation of West Virginia . . . N. p., 
State of West Virginia [c!956]. 213p. 

, Sims Index to Land Grants in West Virginia. N. p. [State of West 

Virginia, c!952]. 866p. 

SMITH, CHARLES A., The Family of William Collins. N. p., 1951? Chart. 

SMITH, FRANK, Genealogical History of Dover, Massachusetts . . . Dover, 
Historical and Natural History Society, 1917. 268p. 

SMITH, MELLCENE (THURMAN), Kin of Mellcene Thurman Smith . * . 
No impr. [1035]p. 

SOCIETY OF INDIANA PIONEERS, Year Rook, 1957. Published by Order of the 
Board of Governors, 1957. 137p. 

SOCIETY OF MAYFLOWER DESCENDANTS, Meetings, Officers and Members Ar- 
ranged in State Societies, Ancestors and Their Descendants. N. p., General 
Congress, 1901. 447p. 

age Rook, Compiled by Charles Hughes Hamlin. [Cincinnati] Cincinnati 
Chapter, Ohio Society Sons of the American Revolution, c!958. 540p. 

SOUTH DAKOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY, Collections and Report, Vol. 27, 1954. 
Pierre, South Dakota Historical Society, c!954. 582p. 

, Report and Historical Collections, Vol. 28, 1956. Pierre, South Dakota 

Historical Society, c!957. 573p. 


SPENCER, RICHARD HENRY, Genealogical and Memorial Encyclopedia of the 
State of Maryland . . . New York, American Historical Society, 1919, 
2 Vols. 

STARK, JAMES H., Loyalists of Massachusetts and the Other Side of the Amer- 
ican Revolution. Boston, James H. Stark, 1910. 509p. 

STILES, JESSIE VERNAN, The Family of Jonathan Stiles of Guernsey County, 
Ohio . . . N. p., Privately Printed, 1957. 398p. 

STUCKER, ESSIE, comp., Michael Stucker of 1759 and His Kinsmen . 
N. p. [c!957]. 218p. 

SZARKOWSKI, JOHN, The Face of Minnesota. Minneapolis, University of Minne- 
sota Press [c!958]. 302p. 

County, Georgia . . . Columbus, Ga., Columbus Office Supply Com- 
pany, 1958. 804p. 

THURSTON, GEORGE H., Allegheny County's Hundred Years. Pittsburgh, A. A. 
Anderson & Son, 1888. 312p. 

TOPPING, CHARLES E., comp., Topping. N. p., 1958. Typed. 50p. 

TOTTEN, JOHN R., Thacher-Thatcher Genealogy. N. p., New York Genealogi- 
cal and Biographical Society, 1910-1915. 842p. 

TREAT, JOHN HARVEY, The Treat Family, a Genealogy of Trott, Tratt, and 
Treat . . . Salem, Mass., Salem Press Publishing & Printing Company, 
1893. 637p. 

Skinner Kinsmen. Volume 1, The Descendants of Richard Skinner of North 
Carolina. N. p., 1958. 78p. 

WAYLAND, JOHN W., Twenty-Five Chapters on the Shenandoah Valley to 
Which is Appended a Concise History of the Civil War in the Valley. 
Strasburg, Va., Shenandoah Publishing House, 1957. 434p. 

WEANER, ARTHUR, and WILLIAM F. SHULL, SR., History and Genealogy of the 
German Emigrant Johan Christian Kirschenmann, Anglicized Cashman 
. . . Volume 1. [Gettysburg, Pa., Privately Printed] 1957. Various 

WEIS, FREDERICK LEWIS, Colonial Churches and the Colonial Clergy of the 
Middle and Southern Colonies, 1607-1776. Lancaster, Mass., Society of the 
Descendants of the Colonial Clergy, 1938. 140p. 

, Colonial Clergy of Maryland, Delaware and Georgia. Lancaster, Mass., 

Society of the Descendants of the Colonial Clergy, 1950. 104p. 

, Colonial Clergy of Virginia, North Carolina and South Carolina. Bos- 
ton, Society of the Descendants of Colonial Clergy, 1955. lOOp. 

WHEELER, Lois, History of Cavendish, Vermont. Proctorsville, Vt., Author^ 
1952. 70p. 

WILEY, SAMUEL T., Rio graphical and Portrait Cyclopedia of the Nineteenth 
Congressional District, Pennsylvania . . . Philadelphia, C. A. Ruoff 
Company, 1897. 578p. 

WISE, JENNINGS CROPPER, Col. John Wise of England and Virginia (1617- 
1695) . . . [Richmond, Bell Book and Stationery Company, c!918.] 


WOMER, LESLYE HARDMAN, Willford-Hardman Ancestorlore. N. p. [1957]. 

WRIGHT, ESTHER CLARK, Loyalists of New Brunswick. Fredericton, New 

Brunswick, Privately Printed [c!955]. 365p. 


ALDEN, JOHN RICHARD, The South in the Revolution, 1763-1789. [Baton 
Rouge] Louisiana State University Press, 1957. 442p. (History of the 
South, Vol. 3.) 

Wis.] Association, 1958. 2 Vols. 

AMERICAN ANTIQUARIAN SOCIETY, Proceedings at the Annual Meeting Held in 
Worcester, October 16, 1957. Worcester, Mass., Society, 1958. [215]p. 

, Proceedings at the Semi-Annual Meeting Held in Boston, April 17, 

1957. Worcester, Mass., Society, 1957. 76p. 

AUMANN, FRANCIS R., The Changing American Legal System: Some Selected 
Phases. Columbus [Ohio State University] 1940. 231p. (Contributions 
in History and Political Science, No. 16. ) 

, Instrumentalities of Justice: Their Forms, Functions, and Limitations. 

Columbus, Ohio State University Press, 1956. 137p. (Contributions in 
History and Political Science, No. 18. ) 

AYER, N. W., and SON'S, Directory of Newspapers and Periodicals, 1958. Phila- 
delphia, N. W. Ayer & Son [c!958]. 1554p. 

BARRET, RICHARD CARTER, Bennington Pottery and Porcelain, a Guide to 
Identification. New York, Crown Publishers [c!958]. [348]p. 

BEEBE, Lucius, and CHARLES CLEGG, The Age of Steam, a Classic Album of 
American Railroading. New York, Rinehart & Company [1957?]. Unpaged. 

BEERS, HENRY PUTNEY, French in North America, a Bibliographical Guide to 
French Archives, Reproductions, and Research Missions. Baton Rouge, 
Louisiana State University Press [c!957]. 413p. 

BLIVEN, BRUCE, JR., The Wonderful Writing Machine. New York, Random 
House [c!954]. 236p. 

BLOYD, LEVI, Campbell Brothers Great Consolidated Shows . . . the 
Story of the Second Largest Circus in the World. [Fairbury, Neb., Holloway 
Publishing Company, c!957.] Unpaged. 

BRISTOL, LEE HASTINGS, JR., Seed for a Song. Boston, Little, Brown and Com- 
pany [c!958]. 244p. 

BROWN, TRUESDELL S., Timaeus of Tauromenium. Berkeley, University of 
California Press, 1958. 165p. (University of California Publications in 
History, Vol. 55.) 

CLARK, IRA G., Then Came the Railroads, the Century From Steam to Diesel 
in the Southwest. Norman, University of Oklahoma Press [c!958]. 336p. 

COHN, DAVID L., The Good Old Days; a History of American Morals and 
Manners as Seen Through the Sears, Roebuck Catalogs, 1905 to the Present. 
New York, Simon and Schuster, 1940. 597p. 

COLONY, HORATIO, Yowng Malatesta. Rindge, N. H., Richard R. Smith Pub- 
lisher, 1957. 55p. 

THE CONNOISSEUR, Concise Encyclopedia of Antiques, Vol. 2. New York, Haw- 
thorn Books, n. d. 279p. 


CRISWELL, GROVER C., and CLARENCE L. CRISWELL, Criswell's Currency Series. 
Pass-A-Grille Beach, Fla. [Criswell's Publications], 1957. 277p. 

, Price List and Supplement to Volume 1 of Criswell's Currency Series. 

[Pass-A-Grille, Fla.] Criswell's Publications, 1957. 16p. 

CUNLIFFE, MARCUS, George Washington, Man and Monument. Boston, Little, 
Brown and Company [c!958]. 234p. 

CUNNINGHAM, H. H., Doctors in Gray, the Confederate Medical Service. Baton 
Rouge, Louisiana State University Press [c!958]. [339]i 

DENISON, CAROL, Animal Stories. New York, Simon and Schuster [c!957]. 

Dictionary of American Biography, Vol. 22, Supplement Two (to December 
31, 1940). New York, Charles Scribner's Sons, 1958. 745p. 

Di PESO, CHARLES C., The Reeve Ruin and Southeastern Arizona . . . 
Dragoon, Ariz., Amerind Foundation, 1958. 189p. 

DRAPER, THEODORE, Roots of American Communism. New York, Viking Press, 
1957. 498p. 

DUFFY, JOHN ED., Parson Clapp of the Stranger's Church of New Orleans. 
Baton Rouge, Louisiana State University Press [c!957]. 191p. (Louisiana 
State University Studies. Social Science Series, No. 7.) 

DURANT, JOHN, and ALICE DURANT, Pictorial History of the American Circus. 
New York, A. S. Barnes and Company [c!957]. 328p. 

Encyclopedia of American Biography. New Series, Vol. 27. New York, Amer- 
ican Historical Company, 1957. 460p. 

ERDMAN, LOULA GRACE, The Short Summer. New York, Dodd, Mead & Com- 
pany [c!958]. 304p. 

FRANCHERE, RUTH, Willa. New York, Thomas Y. Crowell [c!958]. 169p. 

FULLER, J. F. C., Grant b Lee, a Study in Personality and Generalship. 
Bloomington, Indiana University Press, 1957. 323p. 

GEIGER, Louis G., University of the Northern Plains, a History of the University 
of North Dakota, 1883-1958. Grand Forks, University of North Dakota 
Press, 1958. 491p. 

GIBSON, JOHN M., Soldier in White, the Life of General George Miller Stern- 
berg. Durham, N. C., Duke University Press, 1958. 277p. 

GIMBUTAS, MARIJA, Ancient Symbolism in Lithuanian Folk Art. Philadelphia, 
American Folklore Society, 1958. 148p. (Memoirs of the American Folk- 
lore Society, Vol. 49.) 

GORDON, B. LsRoY, Human Geography and Ecology in the Sinu Country of 
Colombia. Berkeley, University of California Press, 1957. 117p. (Ibero- 
Americana: 39. ) 

HARPER, HOWARD V., Days and Customs of All Faiths. New York, Fleet Pub- 
lishing Corporation [c!957]. 399p. 

HARRISON, HARRY P., Culture Under Canvas, the Story of Tent Chautauqua 
. . . as Told to Karl Detzer. New York, Hastings House [c!958]. 287p. 

HARWELL, RICHARD B., ed., The Confederate Reader. New York, Longmans, 
Green and Company, 1957. 389p. 

HELD, ROBERT, The Age of Firearms, a Pictorial History. New York, Harper 
& Brothers [c!957]. 192p. 

HESSELTINE, WILLIAM B., and DONALD R. McNEiL, eds., In Support of Clio; 
Essays in Memory of Herbert A. Kellar. Madison, State Historical Society 
of Wisconsin, 1958. 214p. 


HIGBEE, EDWARD, The American Oasis, the Land and Its Uses. New York, 

Alfred A. Knopf, 1957. [266]p. 
HILL, FOREST G., Roads, Rails 6- Waterways; the Army Engineers and Early 

Transportation. Norman, University of Oklahoma Press [c!957]. 248p. 
HODGES, FLETCHER, JR., Swanee Ribber and a Biographical Sketch of Stephen 

Collins Foster. White Springs, Fla., Stephen Foster Memorial Association, 

c!958. Unpaged. 
HOLBROOK, STEWART H., Dreamers of the American Dream. Garden City, 

N. Y., Doubleday & Company, 1957. 369p. 
HOOVER, J. EDGAR, Masters of Deceit, the Story of Communism in America 

and How To Fight It. New York, Henry Holt and Company [c!958]. 374p, 

anza. Lakeville, Hotchkiss School, 1910. [179]p. 
JEFFERSON, THOMAS, Papers. Vol. 14, 8 October 1788 to 26 March 1789. 

Princeton, Princeton University Press, 1958. 708p. 
JOHNSON, WILLIAM, Papers of Sir William Johnson, Vol. 12. Albany, University 

of the State of New York, 1957. 1124p. 
KELLAR, JAMES H., An Archaeological Survey of Perry County. Indianapolis, 

Indiana Historical Bureau, 1958. 40p. 

KELLEY, STANLEY, Professional Public Relations and Political Power. Balti- 
more, Johns Hopkins Press, 1956. 247p. 
KENT, WILLIAM WINTHROP, Rare Hooked Rugs . . . Springfield, Mass., 

Pond-Ekberg Company [c!941]. 223p. 
KEY, WILLIAM, The Battle of Atlanta and the Georgia Campaign. New York, 

Twayne Publishers [c!958]. 92p. 
KIMMEL, STANLEY, Mr. Lincoln's Washington. New York, Coward-McCann 

[c!957]. 224p. 
KOVEL, RALPH M., and TERRY H. KOVEL, Dictionary of Marks Pottery and 

Porcelain. New York, Crown Publishers [c!953]. 278p. 
LAWSON, EVALD BENJAMIN, Two Primary Sources for a Study of the Life of 

Jonas Swensson. Rock Island, 111., Augustana Historical Society, 1957. 39p. 

(Augustana Historical Society Publications, Vol. 17.) 
LEE, ROBERT E., Dispatches; Unpublished Letters of General Robert E. Lee, 

C. S. A., to Jefferson Davis and the War Department of the Confederate 

States of America, 1862-65 . . . Edited by Douglas Southall Freeman. 

New York, G. P. Putnam's Sons [c!957]. 416p. 
LIFE MAGAZINE, America's Arts and Skills. New York, E. P. Button & Company 

[c!957]. 172p. 
LORANT, STEFAN, Lincoln, a Picture Story of His Life. Revised and Enlarged 

Edition. New York, Harper & Brothers [c!957]. 304p. 

McKEARiN, HELEN, and GEORGE S. MCKEARIN, Two Hundred Years of Ameri- 
can Blown Glass. New York, Crown Publishers [c!950]. 382p. 
MANKOWTTZ, WOLF, and REGINALD G. HAGGAR, Concise Encyclopedia of Eng- 
lish Pottery and Porcelain. New York, Hawthorn Books [1957?]. 312p. 
MARCOSSON, ISAAC, Anaconda. New York, Dodd, Mead & Company [c!957]. 

MASON, J. ALDEN, George G. Heye, 1874-1957. New York, Museum of the 

American Indian Heye Foundation, 1958. 31p. 
Mennonite Encyclopedia, a Comprehensive Reference Work on the Anabaptist- 

Mennonite Movement, Vols. 1-3, A-N. Scottdale, Pa., Mennonite Publishing 

House, 1955. 3 Vols. 


MULDER, WILLIAM, and A. RUSSELL MORTENSEN, eds., Among the Mormons, 
Historic Accounts by Contemporary Observers. New York, Alfred A. Knopf, 
1958. [496]p. 

National Cyclopaedia of American Biography, Vol. 41. New York, James T. 
White & Company, 1956. 61 Ip. 

tory, 1952, James R. Masterson, Editor. [Washington, D. C., U. S. Govern- 
ment Printing Office, 1958.] 573p. 

NEW YORK HISTORICAL SOCIETY, Dictionary of Artists in America, 1564-1860, 
by George C. Groce and David H. Wallace. New Haven, Yale University 
Press, 1957. 759p. 

[NEWHALL, JOHN B.], A Glimpse of Iowa in 1846. Iowa City, State Historical 
Society of Iowa, 1957. 106p. 

ORNDUFF, DONALD R., The Hereford in America, a Compilation of Historic 
Facts About the Breed's Background and Bloodlines. Kansas City, Mo., 
Privately Printed [c!957]. 500p. 

OSTRANDER, OILMAN M., The Prohibition Movement in California, 1848-1933. 
Berkeley, University of California Press, 1957. 241p. ( University of Cali- 
fornia Publications in History, Vol. 57.) 

PARSONS, JOHN E., Smith 6- Wesson Revolvers, the Pioneer Single Action Models. 
New York, William Morrow & Company, 1957. 242p. 

PEARSON, LESTER B., The Free Press, a Reflection of Democracy, an Address 
... May 15, 1958. Williamsburg, Va., Colonial Williamsburg [1958?]. 

PERRY, JOHN, American Ferryboats. New York, Wilfred Funk [c!957]. 175p. 

PETERSON, THEODORE, Magazines in the Twentieth Century. Urbana, University 
of Illinois Press, 1956. 457p. 

Philadelphia Bibliographical Center and Union Library Catalogue, Union List 
of Microfilms, Revised, Enlarged and Cumulative Edition, Supplement, 
1952-1955. Ann Arbor, Mich., J. W. Edwards, 1957. 1019p. 

PHILLIPS, JOSEPH D., Little Business in the American Economy. Urbana, Uni- 
versity of Illinois Press, 1958. 135p. (Illinois Studies in the Social Sciences, 
Vol. 42.) 

[PHILLIPS PETROLEUM COMPANY], Pasture and Range Plants, Vols. 1-4. N. p. 
[Phillips Petroleum Company, 1955-1957]. 4 Vols. 

Pius II, POPE, Commentaries, Books 10-13, Translation by Florence Alden Gragg. 

Northampton, Mass., Department of History of Smith College, 1957. [300]p. 

POSEY, WALTER BROWNLOW, The Baptist Church in the Lower Mississippi 

Valley, 1776-1845. [Lexington] University of Kentucky Press [c!957], 


PUTNAM, CARLETON, Theodore Roosevelt, Vol. 1, The Formative Years. New 
York, Charles Scribner's Sons [c!958]. 626p. 

HADDOCK, MAXWELL C., Portrait of an American Labor Leader, William L. 
Hutcheson. New York, American Institute of Social Science [c!955]. 43p. 

REDDING, SAUNDERS, The Lonesome Road, the Story of the Negro's Part in 

America. New York, Doubleday & Company, 1958. 355p. 
RESOURCES FOR THE FUTURE, The Federal Lands, Their Use and Management, 
by Marion Clawson. Baltimore, Published for Resources for the Future by 
Johns Hopkins Press [c!957]. 501p. 

RIDDLE, DONALD W., Congressman Abraham Lincoln. Urbana, University of 
Illinois Press, 1957. 280p. 


RIGGS, ROBERT E., Politics in the United Nations, a Study of United States 
Influence in the General Assembly. Urbana, University of Illinois Press, 
1958. 208p. (Illinois Studies in the Social Sciences, Vol. 41.) 

RIGHTMIRE, GEORGE W., Federal Aid and Regulation of Agriculture and Private 
Industrial Enterprise in the United States, a Survey. Columbus, Ohio State 
University Press, 1943. 126p. (Contributions in History and Political 
Science, No. 17.) 

ROBERT, JOSEPH C., The Story of Tobacco in America. New York, Alfred A. 
Knopf, 1952. [320]p. 

ROSEBOOM, EUGENE H., A History of Presidential Elections. New York, Mac- 
millan Company, 1957. 568p. 

SCAMEHORN, HOWARD L., Balloons to Jets. Chicago, Henry Regnery Company, 
1957. 271p. 

SIMONHOFF, HARRY, Jewish Notables in America, 1776-1865, Links of an 
Endless Chain. New York, Greenberg Publisher [c!956]. 402p. 

SOUTH CAROLINA (COLONY), ASSEMBLY, Journal of the Commons House of 
Assembly, September 10, 1745 June 17, 1746, Edited by J. H. Easterby. 
Columbia, South Carolina Archives Department, 1956. 29 Ip. 

Story of the Midwest Synod, U. L. C. A., 1890-1950. No impr. [392]p. 

THORNBROUGH, EMMA Lou, The Negro in Indiana, a Study of a Minority. 
N. p., Indiana Historical Bureau, 1957. 412p. (Indiana Historical Collec- 
tions, Vol. 37.) 

THORNBROUGH, GAYLE, ed., Outpost on the W abash, 1787-1791. Indianapolis, 
Indiana Historical Society, 1957. 305p. (Indiana Historical Society Publi- 
cations, Vol. 19.) 

TILDEN, FREEMAN, Interpreting Our Heritage, Principles and Practices for 
Visitor Services in Parks, Museums and Historic Places. Chapel Hill, Uni- 
versity of North Carolina Press [c!957]. HOp. 

VANDIVER, FRANK E., Mighty Stonewall. New York, McGraw-Hill Book Com- 
pany [c!957]. 547p. 

VINCENT, JOHN H., The Chautauqua Movement. Boston, Chautauqua Press, 
1886. 308p. 

WEST, RICHARD S., Mr. Lincoln's Navy. New York, Longmans, Green and 
Company, 1957. 328p. 

WEST, ROBERT C., Pacific Lowlands of Colombia, a Negroid Area of the Amer- 
ican Tropics. Baton Rouge, Louisiana State University Press [c!957]. 278p. 
(Louisiana State University Studies. Social Science Series, No. 8.) 

WHITE, PATRICK C. T., Lord Selkirk's Diary, 1803-1804; a Journal of His Travels 
in British North America . . . Toronto, Champlain Society, 1958. 
359p. ( Publications of the Champlain Society, Vol. 35. ) 

Who's Who in America, Vol. 30, 1958-1959. Chicago, Marquis Who's Who 
[c!958]. 3388p. 

WILLIAMSON, HAROLD F., and ORANGE A. SMALLEY, Northwestern Mutual Life, 
a Century of Trusteeship. Evanston, 111., Northwestern University Press, 
1957. 368p. 

WILSON, ROBERT A., Genesis of the Meiji Government in Japan, 1868-1871. 
Berkeley, University of California Press, 1957. 149p. (University of Cali- 
fornia Publications in History, Vol. 56.) 

WRITERS' PROGRAM, UTAH, Utah, a Guide to the State. New York, Hastings 
House, 1945. 595p. 

Bypaths of Kansas History 


From The Sumner County Press, Wellington, November 20, 1873. 

Game is abundant in this market. At the City hotel, last Sunday, the 

boarders were treated to bear meat. Buffalo and venison, Euchre, antelope, 

seven-up, prairie chicken, Poker, Jack rabbits, California Jack, and other game 


From the Ford County Globe, Dodge City, January 21, 1879. 
"SCARLET SLUGGERS." A desperate fight occurred at the boarding house 
of Mrs. W., on "Tin Pot Alley/' last Tuesday evening, between two of the 
most fascinating doves of the roost. When we heard the noise and looked out 
the front window, which commanded a view of the situation, it was a mag- 
nificent sight to see. Tufts of hair, calico, snuff and gravel flew like fur in a 
cat fight, and before we could distinguish how the battle waned a chunk of 
dislocated leg grazed our ear and a cheer from the small boys announced that 
a battle was lost and won. The crowd separated as the vanquished virgin 
was carried to her parlors by two "soups." A disjointed nose, two or three 
internal bruises, a chawed ear and a missing eye were the only scars we could 


From the Sabetha Herald, June 25, 1908. 

Did you ever hear the short grass voice? If you have ever been within 
forty rods of it, you have undoubtedly heard it. Away out in western Kansas 
the wind is always blowing. It roars through the com fields, it screeches in 
the windmills, it moans in the eaves of the houses, it thrums on the barbed 
wire fences, and it hisses through the cottonwoods, and as it swings past it 
hammers and bangs at everything that is lose or can be worked loose. Once 
in awhile out there in western Kansas, when the sun sinks out of sight in the 
west, the wind will drop to a whisper, but far in the night perhaps it will 
suddenly awaken and lash itself into a fury, and roar past again. 

People who live out there, and become accustomed to talking in the wind, 
acquire the short grass voice. And in passing we might say that in time a 
short grass character goes with the voice. For the past fifteen or sixteen 
years we have known William Wells, formerly of Hamlin, east of Sabetha. 
Wells now lives near Hill City, out in western Kansas. Before he went to 
Hill City his voice was notable for its quiet, retiring disposition. But when he 
visited us a year or so ago, his voice came in the fortissimo of the western 
Kansas wind; it was no longer the tame, docile creature it had been in the 
former environment. 


Kansas History as Published in the Press 

"What's the Matter With Kansas?" today, was the subject of 
a Wichita Beacon editorial by Ralph S. Hinman, Jr., published 
June 4, 1958. Mr. Hinman concluded: "There's nothing the mat- 
ter with Kansas nothing a healthy dose of pride and affection in 
the hearts and minds of her people wouldn't cure fast!" On 
March 1, 1959, the Beacon published an article by Hinman en- 
titled "Buffalo Bill Legend Grows Out of [Cowley County] Kansas 
Ranch Home." 

A profusely-illustrated series of articles on the history of Maple 
Hill began appearing in the Alma Signal-Enterprise, September 18, 

On September 24, 1958, the Dodge City Daily Globe published 
an eight-page "Back to Santa Fe Trail" section. Featured were ex- 
cerpts from Four Centuries in Kansas, by Bliss Isely and W. M. 
Richards, relative to the trail and cowboy days in Kansas. 

"Historic Johnson County," Elizabeth Barnes' column in the John- 
son County Herald, Overland Park, has continued to appear reg- 
ularly. Among recent features were: a history of the Shawnee 
State Savings Bank, September 25, 1958; reminiscences of Herman 
J. Voigts, 82-year-old Mission township resident, November 6; a 
history of the Linwood church and cemetery in northeast Johnson 
county, January 15, 1959; a history of the Johnson County Herald 
by Mrs. Elizabeth Barr Arthur, a former publisher of the Herald, 
January 22; and the story of the Shawnee lodge of the Ancient Free 
and Accepted Masons, January 29. 

The Barnes Chief, September 25, 1958, published a history of St. 
Peter Lutheran church, near Barnes, in observance of the church's 
75th anniversary. 

A history of the Mariadahl Lutheran church, near Cleburne, by 
Ruby Johnson, appeared in the Clay Center Dispatch, September 
29, 1958. Said to be the oldest Augustana Lutheran church west of 
the Missouri river, the Mariadahl congregation observed its 95th 
anniversary in October. The church is not expected to reach its 
centennial due to the building of the Tuttle creek dam. 

The Lawrence P. T. A. Council sponsored a series of articles on 
the activities, personalities, and history of the Lawrence public 



schools, beginning in the Lawrence Journal-World, September 30, 

A history of the Evangelical Mission Covenant church at Savon- 
burg appeared in the Chanute Tribune, October 8, 1958, and in the 
Humboldt Union, October 9. Although formally organized in 1898, 
the history of the church goes back to 1883 when meetings were first 

The Herington Advertiser-Times printed a history of the St. Paul 
Lutheran church, Herington, in the issue of October 16, 1958. Or- 
ganization of the church was in 1908 under the guidance of the Rev. 
Martin Senne. 

Lily B. Rozar is the author of a sketch of the Shawnee Methodist 
Mission in Johnson county, printed in the Independence Reporter, 
October 19, 1958. The mission was established in 1830. 

In 1885 the James K. Pugh family settled in Lane county. The 
story of the family's early years in the county was told by a daugh- 
ter, Mrs. Myrtle Bradstreet, in the Dighton Herald, October 22, 

St. Rose of Lima Catholic church, Council Grove, is the subject 
of an article in the Council Grove Republican, October 24, 1958. 
The history of the church is traced from 1883. 

In 1858 G. W. Hutchinson started the Centropolis Christian 
church, according to a brief history by Lloyd Ballhagen in the 
Ottawa Herald, October 24, 1958. The church was reorganized in 
1881 and chartered in 1883. 

On November 6, 1958, the News Chronicle, Scott City, printed a 
full-page history of the last major Indian battle in Kansas. A group 
of Cheyenne Indians, escaping north from Indian territory, was 
attacked in present Scott county by federal troops, September 27, 
1878. The site was recently acquired by Scott county and is now a 
county park operated by the Scott County Historical Society. 

Histories of the Haven Congregational church were printed in the 
Haven Journal, November 13, 1958, and in the Hutchinson News, 
November 15. The church was organized in November, 1883. 

The first Presbyterian church of Natoma was organized June 11, 
1898. Historical sketches were published in the Natoma-Luray 
Independent, November 13, 1958, and the Osborne County Farmer, 
Osborne, November 20. 


A brief history of the Immaculate Conception Catholic church, 
Danville, was printed in the Harper Advocate, November 13, 1958. 
The church was started in 1883 under the direction of Father Greg- 
ory Kelly. 

On November 13, 1958, the Russell Rec'ord published a history 
of Fairport, a Russell county community, by Laura Knight Napper. 
Mrs. Napper's father, William Knight, built a mill on the townsite 
and was one of the town's founders. The mill began operating in 
1880. On November 27 the Record printed a letter from Royal S. 
Kellogg, recalling more history of Fairport and Russell county. 

A biographical sketch of Emma Grant, 1872-1958, by J. S. Jent, 
was published in the Cedar Vale Messenger, November 20 and 27, 
1958. Miss Grant was a native and long-time resident of the Cedar 
Vale community. 

Burchfiel Methodist church, near Anthony, now beginning its 76th 
year, was the subject of a history by Mrs. Myrtle Moore, published 
in the Anthony Republican, December 4, 1958. The Rev. J. R. 
Burchfiel served as the first pastor. 

Broughton, Clay county, has had four names: Rosevale, Morena, 
Springfield, and Broughton, according to an article on the town's 
history by L. F. Valentine, printed in the Clay Center Dispatch, 
December 6, 1958. 

Damar, Rooks county, is the subject of a history by Theresa and 
Armond Benoit, published in the Hays Daily News, December 7, 
1958, and the Rooks County Record, Stockton, December 18. The 
community was settled by French Canadians of Catholic faith. 

Alfaretta Courtright is the author of an article on the Indian raid 
of 1878, printed in the Atwood Citizen-Patriot, December 18, 1958. 

A history of the John McBee family, by Mrs. Lillian McBee Myers, 
a granddaughter, was printed in the Howard Courier-Citizen, De- 
cember 18, 1958. The McBees left Alabama in 1867, settling near 
present Howard in 1868. 

"Yuletide Was Quiet Here 100 Years Ago for Frank Marshalls, 
Others," was the title of an article by Frances R. Williams, in the 
Marysville Advocate, December 25, 1958. 

Kansas Historical Notes 

Martin Van De Mark, Concordia, was elected president of the 
newly-organized Cloud County Historical Society at a meeting in 
Concordia, January 30, 1959. Robert H. Hanson, Jamestown, was 
elected vice-president; Mrs. Raymond A. Hanson, Jamestown, re- 
cording secretary; Mrs. Sidney Knapp, Concordia, membership sec- 
retary; Ernest Swanson, treasurer; and Fred Ansdell, Jamestown, 
Leo Paulsen, Concordia, Dr. Leo Haughey, Concordia, Robert B. 
Wilson, Concordia, Mrs. George Palmer, Miltonvale, and Clark 
Christian, Clyde, directors. Nyle Miller, secretary of the State His- 
torical Society, spoke to the group. 

The Smith County Historical Society met January SO, 1959, in 
Smith Center, and was addressed by Nyle Miller, secretary of the 
State Historical Society. Membership in the new Smith county 
organization was reported to be around 450. 

All officers of the Lyon County Historical Society were re-elected 
at the annual meeting, January 30, 1959, in Emporia. They include: 
Dr. O. W. Mosher, president; Dr. Thomas P. Butcher, first vice- 
president; John G. Atherton, second vice-president; Myrtle Buck, 
secretary; Warren Morris, treasurer; and Mrs. F. L. Gilson, Mabel 
Edwards, and Lucina Jones, historians. The Cottrell flat-bed print- 
ing press purchased by William Allen White in 1895 and used for 
printing the Emporia Gazette until 1906 has been donated to the 
society by the William Allen White Foundation. In more recent 
years the press was used for printing the Hope Dispatch. 

Dr. Leroy Hood, superintendent of schools at Garden City, was 
the principal speaker at the annual meeting of the Finney County 
Historical Society in Garden City, February 10, 1959. R. G. Brown, 
Mrs. Frank Crase, William Fant, Arthur Stone, J. E. Greathouse, 
and Amy Gillespie were re-elected directors of the society. New 
directors chosen include: Mrs. Merle Evans, Damon Cobb, Mrs. 
Claude Owens, Taylor Jones, and Mrs. Claudine Lindner. 

New officers of the Shawnee County Historical Society, elected 
February 11, 1959, are: John Ripley, president; Leland Schenck, 
vice-president; Grace Menninger, secretary; Mrs. Frank Kambach, 
treasurer; and Mrs. Harold Cone, editor of the Bulletin. 



Indian raids in Mitchell county in the summer of 1868 were re- 
viewed by Alan B. Houghton in a 17-page booklet entitled The 
Frontier Aflame, published by the Beloit Daily Call in 1958. 

A 32-page pamphlet, reviewing the history and summarizing the 
activities of the Sisters of Charity of Leavenworth, was recently 
published in observance of the Sisters' centennial. 

Organizing a Local Historical Society, by Clement M. Silvestro, 
was recently issued as a special Bulletin of the American Association 
for State and Local History. Copies are available at 75 cents each 
to nonmembers at the American Association for State and Local 
History, 816 State Street, Madison 6, Wis. 

Dr. B. M. Dobbin is the author of a recently published, 15-page 
pamphlet on the history of the Synod of the Plains of the United 
Presbyterian Church of North America. The synod was created 
in 1869 as Kansas Synod. It was merged with synods of the Presby- 
terian Church, U. S. A., in 1958. 

Kansas medical history and the role of the Kansas doctor during 
the past 100 years as practitioner, specialist, teacher, and health of- 
ficer are reviewed by Thomas Neville Bonner in his new 334-page 
book, The Kansas Doctor a Century of Pioneering, published by 
the University of Kansas Press. 

Noble Women of the North is the title of a 419-page volume 
containing excerpts from diaries, letters, memoirs, and journals of 
women who served as volunteer nurses with the Union forces 
during the Civil War, compiled and edited by Sylvia G. L. Dannett, 
and published recently by Thomas Yoseloff, New York. Among the 
women was Sarah Emma Edmunds, who, disguised as a man, 
served as a soldier and spy, and who later lived in Kansas. 




Autumn 1959 


Kansas State Historical Society 



Managing Editor Editor Associate Editor 




With portrait of Eugene Fitch Ware, about 1881, facing p. 272. 



John G. Clark, 301 

With reproduction of painting of Mark W. Delahay, facing p. 304. 

ments, Part One ) Emory Lindquist, 313 

With portraits of Lewis Bodwell, Pardee Butler, Richard Cordley, and Hugh 
Dunn Fisher, facing p. 320, and Charles H. Lovejoy, Samuel Young 
Lum, Peter McVicar, and Roswell Davenport Parker, facing p. 321. 


With photographs of Boeing B-29 gunners at Smoky Hill Army Air Field, 
Salina, and Free French fliers at Dodge City Army Air Field, facing 
p. 336, and air force planes on Kansas fields, facing p. 337. 




The Kansas Historical Quarterly is published four times a year by the 
Kansas State Historical Society, 120 W. Tenth, Topeka, Kan., and is distributed 
free to members. Annual membership dues are $3; annual sustaining, $10; 
life membership, $20. Membership applications and dues should be ad- 
dressed to Mrs. Lela Barnes, treasurer. 

Correspondence concerning articles for the Quarterly should be sent to 
the managing editor. The Society assumes no responsibility for statements 
made by contributors. 

Second-class postage has been paid at Topeka, Kan. 


Clean-shaven Abraham Lincoln as he appeared about the time 
of his visit to Kansas 100 years ago. Mr. Lincoln arrived in El- 
wood on November 30, 1859, speaking there that evening, at Troy 
and Doniphan on December 1, at Atchison December 2, and at 
Leavenworth December 3 and 5. (See pp. 285, 308.) 

A caravan to cover Lincoln's Kansas itinerary of 1859 is being 
planned for early December, 1959. Further details will be pub- 
lished in the newspapers. 


Volume XXV Autumn, 1959 Number 3 

"The Washerwoman's Song" 


In a very humble cot, 
In a rather quiet spot, 

In the suds and in the soap, 

Worked a woman full of hope; 
Working, singing, all alone, 
In a sort of under tone: 

"With a Savior for a friend, 

He will keep me to the end/' 

Sometimes happening along, 
I had heard the semi-song, 

And I often used to smile, 

More in sympathy than guile; 
But I never said a word 
In regard to what I heard, 

As she sang about her friend 

Who would keep her to the end. 

Not in sorrow nor in glee 
Working all day long was she, 

As her children, three or four; 

Played around her on the floor; 
But in monotones the song 
She was humming all day long: 

"With a Savior for a friend, 

He will keep me to the end/' 

It's a song I do not sing, 
For I scarce believe a thing 

Of the stories that are told 

Of the miracles of old; 
But I know that her belief 
Is the anodyne of grief, 

And will always be a friend 

That will keep her to the end. 

DR. JAMES C. MALIN, associate editor of The Kansas Historical Quarterly and author of 
several books relating to Kansas and the West, is professor of history at the University of 
Kansas, Lawrence. 



Just a trifle lonesome she, 
Just as poor as poor could be; 

But her spirits always rose, 

kike the bubbles in the clothes. 
And, though widowed and alone, 
Cheered her with the monotone, 

Of a Savior and a friend 

Who would keep her to the end. 

I have seen her rub and rub, 1 
On the washboard in the tub, 

While the baby, sopped in suds, 

Rolled and tumbled in the duds; 
Or was paddling in the pools, 
With old scissors stuck in spools; 

She still humming of her friend 

Who would keep her to the end. 

Human hopes and human creeds 
Have their roots in human needs; 

And I should not wish to strip 

From that washerwoman's lip 
Any song that she can sing, 
Any hope that songs can bring; 

For the woman has a friend 

That will keep her to the end. 


ON Sunday morning, January 9, 1876, the Fort Scott Daily Moni- 
tor printed, without any explanation, Eugene F. Ware's poem, 
"The Washerwoman's Song," in the form given above. 2 The print- 
ing of poetry in the Monitor was not unusual, some being reprints 
of well known and obscure poets identified by name, some unidenti- 
fied and on occasion unquestionably local, and some signed pieces 
by local aspirants to literary recognition identified by name, by 
initials, or by a pen name. Ware's poem was designated as 
written for the Monitor and was signed by his pen name "Ironquill," 
which was already known in a modest way in Kansas. If the edi- 
tors were impressed by this poem as being any different from their 
customary poetic contributions, no hint was given, not even a dis- 
tinctive position or typographical display. The reading public, 
both local and state, allowed no room for doubt, however, register- 

1. The wording used here is essentially that of the original printing in the Fort Scott 
Daily Monitor, January 9, 1876, but the punctuation follows that of the third edition of the 
Rhymes of Ironquill, 1892. 

2. The date given by D. W. Wilder, Annals of Kansas (1886), p. 698, is an error. 
He printed it in the original wording. 


ing immediately and with enthusiasm a hearty approval, even when 
disagreeing in part with some of the ideas expressed. 

At Leavenworth, the Times and the Commercial, January 12, the 
Anthony morning and evening papers at the moment, commented in 
identical editorials: "The Fort Scott Monitor has an original poem 
by Tronquill/ entitled 'The Washerwoman's Song/ which possesses 
much more than ordinary merit, and deserves to take rank with 
Hood's 'Song of the Shirt/ * 3 The poem was printed in both papers 
a few days later, with the comment that it was "a beautiful little 
poem by Eugene Ware/' 4 

The Topeka Daily Commonwealth, January 16, 1876, the Sunday 
issue, admonished its readers: "Don't fail to read the poetry on the 
third page, written by Eugene Ware of Fort Scott. It is worth any 
sermon you will hear today." Two days later, in calling attention 
to the approval given the poem by the Leavenworth Times, the 
Commonwealth added its bit of praise: "Eugene never wrote any- 
thing better." 

Whatever the Monitors private views may have been on Sunday 
morning, January 9, when "The Washerwoman's Song" was first 
printed, the editors purred in the reflected sunlight of such praise 
like kittens who had just licked up a saucer of cream. On January 
14 they acknowledged Anthony's approval and added their own 
first recorded verdict: "It is one of the best poems Mr. Ware has 
ever written." To be sure, that was a guarded commitment "one 
of the best." Four days later, the Monitor reported the printing of 
the poem in the Times and the Commonwealth on Sunday, January 
16, and the comments. But, in the locals column appeared the fol- 
lowing wry verdict bluntly practical and materialistic "The 
Washerwoman's Friend The person who pays his wash-bill 
promptly." In another two days, the exchanges received led the 
Monitor to another self-satisfied acknowledgment: "Eugene Ware's 
last poem, 'The Washerwoman's Friend/ is going the rounds of the 
press. Most of our exchanges have published it, and many of them 
highly complimented it." 5 Again, February 2, the Monitor noticed 
that it was "going the rounds" having been reprinted in the Leaven- 
worth Times, the Topeka Commonwealth, the Sedalia Bazoo, the 
Girard Press, and the Columbus Courier, the Humboldt Union, and 
the Manhattan Industrialist "It is one of the most popular of Mr. 
Ware's productions." 

3. At this particular time most of the first column of the editorial page was identical in 
both papers, and was printed from the same type. Later in the year the Commercial was 

4. Daily Times, January 16; Daily Commercial, January 17, 1876. 

5. Is it unkind to call attention to the newspaper's error in the title of the poem? 


"The Washerwoman's Song" was indeed printed widely in Kan- 
sas by the weekly press, and the news service that printed "Patent 
Outsides" and "Insides" thought well enough of it to print it and 
promptly. 6 The Paola Spirit was among those that commented, not 
only on the poem, but upon IronqimTs stature as a literary man: 

Mr. Ware makes no pretention to poetical genius, yet he has already 
achieved an enviable reputation in the literary circles of the West as a writer 
of brilliance, not only on the poetical line, but in prose, and the field of wit. 
The Spirit is only too glad to be able to "pick up" anything written by the 
gifted and talented gentleman, Eugene Ware "Ironqiiill." He will make his 

This was reprinted by the Parsons Sun, February 19, 1876, along 
with the news that Ware had accepted an invitation to read a poem 
at the Parsons pioneer celebration, March 8. 7 


On home ground the reception of Ware's poem was remarkable 
and significant. Among the items recorded, the first in the sequence 
was the publication, in the Daily Monitor, January 18, or nine days 
after the historic Sunday of January 9, of a "poem" signed "Leon 
Love" (Thomas M. Nichol): 


"With a Savior for a friend 
He will keep me to the end." 
Thus the washerwoman sings 
And bright hope within her springs, 
That the words are truth, she knows 
And she rubs and rubs the clothes, 
Trusting in her Savior friend 
Who will keep her to the end. 

As she washes all day long, 
And keeps humming at her song, 
It is not the song she sings 
To her bosom hope that brings; 
But she rather sings the song, 
Knowing well 'twill not be long 
Till her Savior friend will come 
And will take her to her home. 

It is not the mere belief 
That's the "anodyne of grief;" 
Her Savior friend is real 
He's not a mere ideal. 

6. Parsons Sun, January 22; Oswego Independent, February 5, 1876, both "patent out- 

7. Later Ware found it necessary to cancel this engagement. Parsons Sun, March 4, 
1876; Daily Monitor, February 19, March 7, 1876. 


Though He's all unknown to you 
He's a person, real, true, 
And he is the woman's friend; 
He will keep her to the end. 

You may smile at what she sings, 
And may scorn the hope that springs 
From "the stories that are told 
Of the miracles of old." 
But the woman at her tubs, 
As each day she rubs and rubs 
Still will trust her Savior friend 
Who will keep her to the end. 

It might well be worth your while 
Never more at her to smile, 
In your sympathy or guile, 
Till you've thought more of the things, 
Of the song the woman sings. 
You may be assured of this, 
There's a world of purest bliss 
Comes from knowing that dear friend 
Who will keep her to the end. 

And although for all her hope 
She would scarcely give the soap 
That she rubs upon the clothes 
Yet, in all her wants and woes, 
She is certain at the last 
When all her wants and woes are past 
That her Savior friend will come 
And will take her to her home. 

This is why the woman sings 

It's to tell herself the things 

The only things that cheer her, 

And keep her Savior near her, 

And he'll keep her thought sublime! 

To the end of endless time 

For he is her only friend 

Who will keep her to the end. 8 

Nichol had been on the Monitor staff for a time, having resigned 
in December, 9 and was devoting himself to the promotion of the 
Kansas Clipper sulky and gang plows which he had invented. These 
plows had been awarded the first premium at the Kansas State Fair 
at Leavenworth, which opened September 7, 1874. The Kansas 
State Grange had been contracted with the Fort Scott Foundry to 
manufacture them, and this arrangement had brought Nichol from 

8. In the sixth line of stanzas one and four, the words "rubs and rubs" were a reflection 
of Ware's original version of "The Washerwoman's Song," which used them in the sixth 
stanza, line one, instead of "rubs and scrubs," used in the book printings. 

9. Daily Monitor, December 23, 1875. 


Humboldt to Fort Scott. He was born in Ohio, came to Kansas from 
Illinois, and in 1876 was 29 years of age. 10 

Anthony's papers, the Leavenworth Times and the Commercial, 
for January 20, ridiculed Nicholas effort at versification. "The 
fledglings are already attempting to ape Ware's song of the washer- 
woman. Leon Love's [Nichol's] doggerel in Tuesday's Monitor is 
the first. You will have to make stronger 'suds' than that, Love, if 
you expect your clothes to be 'fit to be seen.'" In printing this 
blunt verdict by Anthony, the Monitor attempted, the next day, to 
draw somewhat the sting with the comment: "Rather rough on 
'Leon Love/" Then, on January 23 (Sunday), by request, the 
Monitor reprinted both poems, along with the admonition: "They 
are good Sunday reading." 

The Fort Scott Pioneer, January 27, the Democratic weekly rival 
of the Monitor, edited by U. F. Sargent, could not pass up such an 
opportunity to deride the opposition. His barbed jibe, inspired by 
Anthony's ridicule, was: "Poor Nichol! His wishy-washy parody 
on Ware's 'Washerwoman's Song finds but little favor." And in the 
same issue Sargent wrote a two-paragraph introduction to an anon- 
ymous "poem." Of course, it might have been his own brain child, 
whose paternity he did not have the courage to acknowledge. 

By a matter-of-fact-man 

I've read the short haired poet's song 

Of the woman all forlorn, 

Who took in washing by the day, 
And never asked about her pay. 

But continued working right along, 
Singing a mythical sort of song, 
All the long and weary day 
While the children about her play. 

Long and earnestly I have looked 

Through our new directory book, 
Hoping, trusting, I might find 
One with confidence so sublime. 

For the washer that I have had 
Has kept me feeling very, very sad, 

Whenever we have chanced to meet, 

In the church or on the street, 

10. Kansas state census, 1875 (Ms.), y. 5, Bourbon county, City of Fort Scott, p. 55; 
his name appeared a second time, p. 91, with an age of 30, in 1875; State Board of Agri- 
culture, The Third Annual Report . . ., 1874, p. 75; Daily Monitor, August 28, De- 
cember 3, 9, 1874, February 26, March 6, 1875. He was later to have a remarkable career 


By asking in a weary way 
If I ever intend to pay; 

If I don't she will put me through, 

Then I beg her not to sue. 

And then she tells it on the street 

That I am a high-toned beat, 
And if she had a friend, 
Who would keep her to the end, 

She would quickly find a way 
Whereby I would promptly pay, 

Or the end would quickly be 

A case of assault and battery. 

We met in the bank yesterday, 
And she said, "Now you will pay, 

For I have waited very long, 

And I'm a widow all forlorn/' 

I asked her not to speak so loud, 
For she was drawing quite a crowd; 

But she didn't seem to care a cent, 

And on mischief seemed intent. 

So I gave her all I had, 

Still she seemed exceeding mad; 

And departing, wildly said, 

"Oh! I wish that I was dead/' 

Had she the faith it would be 
Better for her and for me, 

Could she feel she had a friend 

Who would pay her in the end. 

This had been preceded in the Pioneer, January 20, by an article 
in which Sargent had noticed unfavorably the structure of Michel's 
versification. Nichol defended himself at length. Though the 
Pioneer article is missing from the files, he quoted much of it. 11 In 
printing it the Monitor editor warned his readers in a local: " 'Leon 
Love' criticizes a critic this morning at great length. In a contest 
between giants the fur must fly." Also, at the top of the reply, the 
Monitor accommodated with the headline: "What a Critic! A Few 
Words About Poetry, Criticism, Ignorance, Stupidity and Mean- 
ness." 12 

Nichol began by quoting from the Pioneer editorial of January 20 
entitled "What a Poet," which had ridiculed his rhyme and had 
characterized his effort as a "wishy-washy parody on Ware's Washer- 

11. Monitor, January 30 (Sunday), 1876. 

12. The authorship of the headline is not clear; if the origin was Nichol, at least, the 
editor accommodated by not "killing" it. 


woman's Song. . . ." In defense Nichol showed a familiarity 
with a wide range of literature, but he took the ground that prin- 
ciple, not his own verses, was his concern. He condemned the 
tendency to greet new writers "with words not of welcome and en- 
couragement, but of derision and ridicule/' 

The partisan verdict of the Monitor editor was that: "The worst 
used-up critic we ever saw, is the universal expression in regard to 
'Leon Love* vs. Sargent." 13 Immediately, the Monitor printed an- 
other of Nichol's "poems," "The Sentry Boy" which indulged also in 
unusual "poetic forms," and later, one called "Seed Time and 
Harvest." 14 As he had asserted in his criticism of the critic, he was 
not easily crushed by ridicule. 

As the recipient of such forthright castigation, Sargent would have 
had his readers believe that he was convinced of his error and was 
contrite, so he printed "Our Apology" in the Pioneer, February 3, 
which closed: "Then it follows that what we pronounced 'wishy 
washy/ 'doggerel' is in fact, poetry descended from the gods. Poet 
grant us pardon." 

On February 17, while editor Sargent was absent, the Pioneer 
printed another "poem," inspired by, if not a "parody" of "The 
Washerwoman's Song." The author was not indicated but the title 
asserted: "I Do Not Like to Hear Him Pray." 15 

I do not like to hear him pray 

"Let blessings on the widow be!" 
Who never seeks her home to say 

"If want o'er take you, come to me." 
I hate the prayer so loud and long, 

That's offered for the orphan's weal, 
By him who sees him crushed by wrong, 

And does not for his suffering feel. 
I do not like to hear her pray 

With jeweled ear and silken dress, 
Whose washerwoman toils all day 

And then is asked to "work for less." 
Such pious shavers I despise; 

With folded hands and face demure. 
They lift to heaven their "angel eyes," 

And steal the earnings of the poor. 

Who came off victor in this literary exchange is probably immaterial, 
but this "contest between giants" made an impression, at least tem- 
porarily, upon the community. 

13. Daily Monitor, February 1, 1876. 

14. Ibid., February 3, 15, 1876. 

* 15. The Mirror and Newsletter, Olathe, February 24, 1876; the Arkansas City Traveler, 
March 29, 1876, were among those printing this "poem." 



Lest the reader conclude that all this has been taken too seriously, 
the following, in lighter vein, by some unknown "Goosequill" ap- 
peared in the Topeka Daily Commonwealth, April 2 (not All Fools 
day), 1876: 


She pushed a baby wagon, 

As she passed along the street 

While her curly head was hatless, 
And no shoes were on her feet 

Yet she sang a childish song, 

As she gaily tripped along, 
And the baby crowed in concert 

On the seat 

She smiled a cordial greeting, 

As I bid her kind good-day 

While the baby's blue eyes twinkled, 
And she lisped in childish way 

"I wuz zing, too, iz I could, 

For I zink ze world iz good, 
"Cause my sister takes me ridin 

Ewy day!" 

An Anchorite, while dreaming 

Of the buffetings of time- 
Caught an echo of the child song, 

And both wrought it into rhyme 
Homely though the picture be 
Twas a pleasing one to see 

"I would sing, too, if I could, 
For I think the world is good " 

And the child caught up the strain 
With a blithesome, glad refrain 
Like the blended rhythm of bell notes 
In a chime 

An Eastern reader did take "The Washerwoman's Song" too seri- 
ously, however, and sent a ten dollar bill to Mr. Manlove, editor of 
the Monitor, accompanied by a note: 

Tell me, Mr. Manlove, do you know "Ironquill?" If so, was that tender, 
touching little song the simple image of the mind, or does the subject of his 
song actually live and toil in the by-ways of your city. If so hand "Ironquill" 
the enclosed ten dollars that when he wanders that lonely way he may leave it 


at the "humble cot" with my hope that an hundred hearts may beat in unison, 
with his, and cheer with solid sympathy the widow's bleeding heart. A lay so 
limpid and so soft could only flow from a pure and benevolent fountain. 

This letter elicited from Ware the only contemporary hint found 
thus far about the origin of "The Washerwoman's Song." To be 
sure it was negative, but that in itself eliminated a whole class of 
conjectural origins. Under the date February 29, 1876, Ware 

I regret that I cannot apply your friend's $10 bill to any one as indicated 
in the letter. 

The washerwoman is a myth and the character and scene wholly ideal. 16 

There is a positive side to this negative assertion, and it issues a 
challenge to the historian to discover, if possible, the circumstances 
out of which such an "ideal" might have emerged. 

In the 1890's David Leahy ran a story in the Wichita Eagle 17 
about "How Ware wrote it." Without specific dating, Leahy's story 
was that in reply to a direct question Ware related the details. In 
Leahy's words: "One dull day Mr. Ware was in his office and his 
thoughts were turned to religion by hearing a church bell ring. The 
following two lines flashed across his brain": 

"Human hopes and human creeds 
Have their root in human needs." 

Using this as a focus, supposedly the poem was written backwards. 
In December, Leahy says, when Ware and the postmaster, a man 
of literary interests, sat on the steps of the Catholic church, Ware 
read the poem. His friend was silent. Ware was discouraged and 
stuck the poem into a pigeonhole in his desk where it rested until 
some time later a Monitor reporter wanted something for his column 
and Ware dug it out. Leahy's account included the story of the ten 
dollars, but with the wrong name attached and some improbable 
glosses. With modifications and without the more exaggerated 
details, a similar story was told in the Tribune-Monitor obituary 
notice about Ware, July 3, 1911. A kernel of truth may be involved 
in these tales, which serve as human-interest stories, but they do 
not explain anything. 


On January 8, 1876, the day before the unheralded publication of 
"The Washerwoman's Song," the locals editor of the Daily Monitor, 
under the title "The Last Resort" explained apologetically to his 

16. Fort Scott Daily Monitor, March 1, 1876. 

17. Reprinted in the Topeka State Journal, January 10, 1898. 


Local news is so scarce that probably a few items like the following will 
have to be written up occasionally: "We are very sorry indeed to be called on 
at this juncture to announce that Mr. So-and-So's little pussy, in an attempt to 
get into the safe [cupboard] and try a piece of chicken, fell with a thud upon 
the floor and hurt its little back. 

Suffice it to say no such drastic measures were necessary. Besides 
the argument over poetry stirred up by Nichol's efforts at versifica- 
tion, the fundamental issues involved in "The Washerwoman's 
Song" were discussed in lectures and sermons, and were the subject 
of public debates immediately after the publication of the poem. 

Two traveling lecturers appeared in Fort Scott, advertised to dis- 
cuss Spiritualism. One called himself Prof. S. S. Baldwin, "Exposer 
of Spiritualism," and the other, W. F. Jamieson, Spiritualist. The 
latter attacked Christianity in the name of science and challenged 
any clergyman to engage in public debate. No minister accommo- 
dated Jamieson in his publicity stunt. Apparently, however, there 
was some demand that Christianity be defended, and that a dull 
winter be enlivened. Although some difference of opinion de- 
veloped about how it happened, Thomas M. Nichol found himself 
nominated to make the sacrifice. Nichol had delivered one of the 
"home talent" lectures in the series arranged the preceding winter. 
His subject had been theological, but as a Universalist, he insisted 
that in the current instance he was not qualified to speak in the name 
of orthodox Christianity. Altogether, the debate ran through three 
nights, with partisans of each side claiming victory. It turned out 
to be good "entertainment," but there was a serious side, and unless 
the press reports were quite misleading, that aspect was upper- 
most. 18 

Ware was silent throughout the period in which his poem was the 
favorite topic of discussion. His mind was neither unobservant nor 
fallow, however, and April 2, 1876, the editor of the Daily Monitor, 
this time, with an air of pride, made an announcement: "A beautiful 
little poem from the pen of the 'Philosopher of Paint Creek* is 
printed in the MONITOR this morning." Again the poem was signed 

They say 
A flower, that blooms I know not whither, 

Perhaps in sunnier skies, 
Is called the Amaranth. It will not wither 
It never dies. 

I never saw one. 

18. The episode can be followed in the local papers, the Daily Monitor, and the 
Pioneer, for the two weeks' period beginning January 31, 1876. 


They say 
A bird of foreign lands, the Condor, 

Never alights, 
But through the air unceasingly doth wander, 

In long aerial flights. 

I never saw one. 

They say 
That in Egyptian deserts, massive, 

Half buried in the sands, 
Swept by the hot sirocco, grandly impassive, 

The statue of colossal Memnon stands. 

I never saw it. 

They say 
A land faultless, far off, and fairy 

A summer land, with woods and glens and glades 
Is seen, where palms rise feathery and airy 

And from whose lawns the sunlight never fades. 

I never saw it. 

They say 

The stars make melody sonorous 
While whirling on their poles. 
They say through space this planetary chorus 
Magnificently rolls. 

I never heard it. 

Now what 
Care I for Amaranth or Condor 

Collossal Memnon, or the Fairy Land, 
Or for the songs of planets as they wander 

Through arcs superlatively grand. 

They are not real. 

Hope's idle 
Dreams the Real vainly follows, 

Facts stay as fadeless as the Parthenon 
While Fancies like the summer tinted Swallows 

Flit gaily mid its ruins and are gone. 19 

At the elemental folk level, but in its way as disconcerting as a 
child's direct reaction, was a letter from one of those people who 
are no doubt well-meaning, but distressingly literal minded: 

19. The reading of the poem printed here, except for the correction of a typographical 
error, is the original version as given in the Daily Monitor, April 2, 1876. In the selected 
poems published later in book form under the title (with variations) Rhymes of Ironquill 
(1885 and later) substantial changes in wording were introduced. 


Right here in Southern Kansas, Mr. Ware, in almost any little garden [the 
Amaranth does grow]. It is unfading and perennial; blooms as well amid 
January snows as it does in June and July, and when hung up and dried for 
six months, looks as fresh and beautiful as ever. The Amaranth is a veritable 
flower, and no creature of imagination. 20 

Of course, it was. Amaranth was a common name applicable to 
an order and to a genus of plants. Within the genus were many 
species and in some cases distinctive varieties within a species. The 
common garden names for those treated in gardens as flowers, are the 
Red Amaranths, including cockscomb or Crested Amaranth, prince's 
feather ( princess feather ) or Jacob's coat, and love-lies-bleeding. 
Within the genus also were such plants as Pigweed (Green Ama- 
ranth ) and Tumbleweed ( White Amaranth ) . 21 The dictionaries all 
agree, however, that the primary literary meaning, chiefly in poetry, 
was an imaginary flower that was supposed never to fade. The 
historical dictionaries cite usage in English literature from the early 
17th century onward. Thus in Milton's Paradise Lost ( iii, 353 ) : 

Immortal amarant, a flower which once 

In Paradise, fast by the tree of life, 

Began to bloom; but soon for man's offence 

To Heaven removed, where first it grew. . v 

The title and substance of "The Real" should have made Ware's 
meaning clear even to the most obtuse. He sought to compare iii 
the sharpest contrast possible, and by varied examples, "The Ideal" 
and "The Real." And he did it most effectively, emphasized by the 
off-beat final line in each stanza in the original printing, set off for 
added stress by a black line. 

Although not so recognized at the time, and no one since has 
made a serious study of Ware, the publication of "The Real" at this 
time may be viewed in the perspective here presented, as Ware's 
rejoinder to the religious debates of the preceding weeks. He was 
unrepentant. He was agnostic toward both Christianity and Spirit- 
ualismall intangibles that must be accepted on faith. The posi- 
tion of the agnostic must be differentiated, however, from that of the 
infidel the agnostic doubted, but he did not deny. It is one thing 
to render the Scotch verdict "not proven" but quite another to 

20. Parsons Eclipse, April 13, 1876, reprinted in the Fort Scott Pioneer, April 27, 1876. 

21. Asa Gray, Manual of the Botany of the Northern United States. . . . Sixth 
Edition by Sereno Watson and John M. Coulter (New York, 1889); Harlan P. Kelsey and 
William A. Dayton, editors, Standardized Plant Names, Second Edition (Harrisburg, Pa., 
1942); The Oxford English Dictionary, Being a Reissue . . . of a New English Dic- 
tionary on Historical Principles . . . (Oxford, 1933); The Century Dictionary: An 
Encyclopedic Lexicon of the English Language (New York, First Edition, 1891, Revised, 
1913); Webster's New International Dictionary of the English Language, Second Edition, 
Unabridged (Springfield, 1950). The common spelling is Amaranth, but the correct form 
is Amarant. 


declare categorically that a thing is false, or does not even exist. 
Ware's position at any rate his ostensible attitude was that of 
practical pragmatist only tangible facts were real and provided a 
sense of certainty and security. Ware's was a Pragmatism, as was 
the case of so many other so-called practical-minded Americans of 
his generation, without a philosophical rationalization. That, how- 
ever, was already, but unknown to Ware, being supplied by Charles 
S. Pierce, followed by William James, John Dewey, and others. 22 
The conclusions embodied in "The Real" had not always repre- 
sented Ware's position. No longer ago than 1872 he had taken the 
opposite side of identically the same issues and in language and 
ideology that were in many respects an earlier version of the same 
poem. At that time he had called it "The Song," arranged in 
rhymed prose form, and published in the Daily Monitor, October 
13, 1872. It was signed Ironquill, and was among the first poetic 
pieces to appear over that pen name. In the Rhymes of Ironquill, 
it was reprinted, arranged in verse form, but scarcely changed in 
wording, and named "The Bird Song": 


In the night air I heard the woodland ringing; I heard it ring with wild 
and thrilling song. Hidden, the bird whose strange, inspiring singing, seems 
yet to float in liquid waves along. 

Seems yet to float with many a quirk and quaver, with quirks and quavers 
and exultant notes, as though the air with sympathetic waver, down through 
the song the falling starlight floats. 

Speaking, I said: O bird, with songs sonorous, O, bird, with songs of such 
sonorous glee, sing me a note of Joy; and in the chorus in the same chorus I 
will join with thee. 

The songs that others sing seem but to sadden; they seem to sadden those 
that I have heard. Sing me a song whose gleesome notes will gladden. Sing 
me a song of joy. Then sang the bird: 

"There is a land where blossoming exotic, the amaranths with fadeless 
colors glow; where notes of birds with melodies chaotic, in tangled songs for- 
ever come and go. 

"There skies serene and bland will bend above us, and from them blessings 
like the rain will fall; there those fond friends that have loved shall love us; 
in that bright land, those friends shall love us all." 

The singer ceased the melody sonorous, no more through star-lit woodland 
floats along; and as it ceased my heart refused the chorus refused to join the 
chorus of the song. 

22. James C. Malin, "Notes on the Writing of General Histories of Kansas: Part One, 
The Setting of the Stage," Kansas Historical Quarterly, v. 21 (Autumn, 1954), pp. 192- 
202; On the Nature of History (Lawrence, The Author, 1954), ch. 3, especially p. 77; The 
Contriving Brain and the Skillful Hand (Lawrence, The author, 1955), pp. 348-353. 


Talk not, I said, thou bird in branches hidden, Hope's garlands bright, 
Grief's fingers slowly weave Grief slowly weaves from blooms that spring un- 
bidden, that spring perennial when the heart doth grieve. 

Grief present now proves naught of life eternal; grief proves no future with 
proud blessings rife with blessings rife and futures blandly vernal. Facts 
show no logic in a future life. 

And then I said, false is thy song, sonorous; thy song that floats from starlit 
woodland dim. When we are gone and flowers are blooming o'er us when 
man hath gone, there endeth all with him. 

Resang the bird: "There skies shall bend above us, and sprinkle blessings 
like the rains that fall; and those we loved who loved us not shall love us, 
in that bright land, shall love us best of all." 

Then came a song-burst of bewildering splendor, that rolle"d in waves 
through forest corridors; up soared the bird, fain did my hopes attend her; 
and hopes and songs were lost amid the stars. 

Now all day long upon my mind intruding, there comes the echo of that last 
night's song; Grief claims the wrecks on which my mind is brooding; Hope 
claims the facts which logic claimed so long. 

Who cares, O, bird, for skies that bend above us? Who cares if blessings 
like the rains shall fall? If only those who loved us not shall love us in that 
bright future love us best of all. 

Let logic marshal ranks of facts well stated; it leads them on in brave 
though vain attacks; for looking down from bastions crenelated. Hope smiles 
derision at assaulting facts. 

Because the Ware poems have never before been dated, and no 
one has formerly undertaken to make Ware's philosophy and its 
background a subject of serious historical study, the relationship of 
these poems and their significance in terms of relations have been 
ignored. Although Kansans and some others have visited upon 
Ware an inordinate amount of highly sentimental admiration and 
eulogy, their adulation was too superficial for them to feel obliged 
to search for the structure of his thought or even to assume that 
it had a structure. For reasons that are not known, Ware him- 
self, purposely or accidentally, contributed to this chaotic situation 
by the rule of complete irrelevance that seemed to govern the ar- 
rangement of the book versions of the Rhymes. The unpredictable 
manner in which contrasting types of poems rubbed elbows with 
each other gave an impression that the sublime and the ridiculous 
were never far apart, possibly only the reverse sides of the same 
thing. Even if, perchance, that or some other deliberately selected 
principle actually did govern at that time, a study of Ware accord- 
ing to the historical principle is long overdue. 

In 1872, when "The Song" was first published, Ware was in the 
midst of the closing hysteria of the presidential campaign. As a 


Greeley Liberal, and editor of the Daily Monitor, he was grinding 
out daily the lowest form of partisan political drivel, such as was 
considered necessary to win a political campaign. Whether or not 
"The Song" was written at this time, these were the circumstances 
under which it was published. Even in that context, Eugene Ware's 
two selves were involved; the self that was writing daily partisan 
political trash, which no one would be stupid enough to assume 
that he believed, and this other self, the poetic, the philosophical, 
the idealist self, who made his own decision to publish "The Song" 
at this particular time, even though it might have been written 
earlier. Indeed, the sublime and the ridiculous were in this case 
merely the reverse sides of Ware's two selves. 

But in 1872 as contrasted with 1876, what was Ware saying? 
What were his philosophical and theological commitments? "Hope 
smiles derision at assaulting facts." Apparently, then Ware was 
still an orthodox Congregationalist, or near to it, and substantially 
in accord with his father's conservatism. In "The Real," the terms 
Ideal and Real had been substituted for Hopes and Facts, but with 
the Ideal no longer paramount to the Real. Ware had reversed his 
basic commitments. 

And what about Ware's political commitments? In 1872 he was 
editing a liberal newspaper, though seemingly a conservative in 
philosophy and theology. In 1875, he published "Text," which ap- 
peared in the book version of the Rhymes under the title "The 
Granger's Text." This poem was a practical application of his 
mother's philosophy: "Smooth it over and let it go": the future, 
not the past, is important: 


Long the Topeka convention wrangled; 

"Good men for office" got into a balk; 

Grange nominations were hopelessly tangled; 

Sargent got up and gave them a talk; 

Said to the delegates quarreling so 

"Smooth it over and let it go." 

Many a time I have thought of the quarrel 

That "good men for office" so often reach, 
Many a time I have thought that a moral 
Shone like a lantern in Sargent's speech; 
Look for my text in the line below, 
"Smooth it over and let it go." 

23. Daily Monitor, May 16, 1875, by "The Philosopher of Paint Creek." The version 
given here is that printed in the Monitor. At this time Ware was using two pen names; 
each for a different kind of rhymes. To be discussed elsewhere. 

Eugene Fitch Ware 

Fort Scott author, lawyer, and legislator, about 1881 


When a fierce editor boiling with fury 

Paints you with hot editorial tar; 
Don't start a libel suit, don't hire a jury, 

Don't seek redress from the bench or the Bar 
Lies sometimes vanish, facts always grow; 
"Smooth it over and let it go." 

When you consent to be placed on a ticket, 

When you have made up your mind to run, 
Leg it your best the political thicket 

Tears off your clothes, but makes lots of fun, 
If you are minus a vote or so, 
"Smooth it over and let it go." 

Efforts and hopes may be lighter or graver 

Either in politics, business, or fame, 
Things may go crooked, and friendships may waver, 
Nevertheless, the rule is the same; 

Facts will be facts, when you find it so, 
"Smooth it over and let it go." 

In the record of 1875-1876, Ware was considered a political con- 
servative, also a reversal from the position of 1872, but associated 
with philosophical and theological liberalism. In one or another, 
all the ferments of the years 1869-1876 had involved the peace of 
mind of many people in the Fort Scott neighborhood. A number 
of them have been identified by name in association with the par- 
ticular ideas to which they were committed. Each fitted into his 
unique niche in the culture complex of Fort Scott, of Kansas, and 
of the United States of the 1870's. 24 

But this Fort Scott of 1869-1876, with all its ambitions and incon- 
sistencies, its dreams and disillusionments, was the background of 
Eugene Ware, and his poem "The Washerwoman's Song," and for 
that matter, of all his poetry. In the "scientific" language of the day, 
contemporaries might have said: the product of "the development 
theory." In a way, the conflict in the community was a mirror of 
the confusion and uncertainty troubling the minds of many of its 
citizens confronted with the new science of the middle years of the 
19th century. 


A period of quiet followed the flurry of 1876 over "The Washer- 
woman's Song." Although not forgotten, and reprinted again and 
again, a revival of interest of some magnitude occurred in 1883 in 
association with "An Open Letter to Hon. Eugene F. Ware," written 

24. See the present author's articles dealing with Fort Scott philosophers, Kansas His- 
torical Quarterly, v. 24 (1958), pp. 168-197, 314-350. 



by N. C. McFarland, commissioner of the General Land Office at 
Washington, D. C., a lawyer of repute from Kansas. The "Open 
Letter" was published first in the Topeka Daily Capital, November 
18, and Ware's reply, November 25, 1883, a poem without a title 
other than the salutation: "To Hon. N. C. McFarland, Washington, 
D. C." and introduced by a short note to the editor. A name was 
not assigned to the poem, apparently, until it appeared in the first 
edition of Rhymes of Ironquill, in 1885, as "Kriterion." 25 Thus far 
the exact set of circumstances have not been determined which 
stimulated McFarland to write his letter, nor which explain the re- 
markable response to the letter and to Ware's reply, along with the 
original "Washerwoman's Song." The casual but appreciative com- 
ment upon the "Song" over the intervening years, 1877 to 1882, was 
one thing, but the enthusiasm of 1883 was quite another. 

When, on November 18, the Sunday Capital printed the "Open 
Letter," it was done without fanfare: "The Washerwoman's Song" 
was printed at the top of the column, the letter occupying about one 
and one half columns. 26 McFarland's letter is rather long to print 
here in its entirety, but these are the most pertinent parts: 

DEAR SIR: I have read again and again with indescribable pleasure and 
sadness, your "Washerwoman's Song," pleasure because it is really beautiful, 
and voices correctly the joy of Christ's poor ones; sadness because you say you 
are shut out from a hope, which, though not always so bright and cheerful, is 
worth more than all else this world affords. You will pardon me for addressing 
you in this public manner, for I know that many men of intellect and culture 
occupy positions not dissimilar to your own, and I hope in this way to make 
some suggestions which will reach both you and them, and not be inappropriate 
to the subject, whether they shall prove valuable or useless. Reading between 
the lines, I think I can see a thoughtful interest, a sort of inquiry, a desire to 
possess a hope like, or at least equal, to the heroine of your song. If this were 
not so, I could scarcely interest myself sufficiently to write you, for I confess 
I have but little patience with that class of criticisms that flippantly brushes 
aside the motives of God, Christ and immortality, as fit only for the contempla- 
tion of "women and children." To me these mysteries are the profoundest 
depths. I have no plummet heavy enough, nor line long enough to reach the 
bottom. I may push them aside for a time, while other things engross me, but 
they come unbidden again and again across my path. Is it so with you. 

What is God? . . . 

I have doubted whether he was "God manifested in the flesh/' but I never 
disbelieved it. ... 

I have written thus far so as to be able to say, that when you write, "I 
scarce believe a thing" your true position is, that you doubt whether the woman 
has a real foundation upon which to build her song. And if I am right in this, 

25. If an earlier use was made of that name between 1883 and 1885, the present 
writer has not found it. 

26. The first line of the sixth stanza read "rub and scrub," instead of the original "rub 
and rub." 


then further to suggest that there is nothing unusual or unreasonable in such 
doubt. Nay more, when reason, judgment and all other faculties and means 
for arriving at truth are imperfect, it seems to me that a perfect faith is unat- 
tainable, and doubt becomes a necessity; of questions like these and many 
others, there is no absolute demonstration here and now. 

Did it ever occur to you that the woman did not always have that serene 
faith which you ascribe to her. Do you not know that she often wondered, and 
wondering, doubted, not, perhaps, whether there is a God, but whether He is 
merciful, or even just? Do you not know that to her it is an unsolved problem 
why she was left alone to support four children at one dollar a day, when you 
could make twenty dollars a day at work less burdensome and exhaustive? If 
she had called on you, when passing her door, to explain this problem to her 
understanding, what could you have said? She probably knew that it was as 
inexplicable to you as to her, and therefore did not ask. There is an answer, 
but neither you nor I occupy a plane sufficiently exalted to fully comprehend 
and speak it "even so, Father, for so it seemeth good in thy sight." 

There are two classes of people who may never have doubts; the one who 
sees through these mysteries at a glance, or think they do; and the other, "who 
never had a dozen thoughts in all their lives." 

The washerwoman sung away most of hers in her beautiful song; and shall 
we, who cannot sing, linger about Doubting Castle until Old Giant Despair 
entices us into his gloomy prison house? No. 

The Daily Monitor, November 20, in Ware's home town wrote 

The open letter addressed to Hon. E. F. Ware by Mr. N. C. McFarland, pub- 
lished this morning, adds new interest to the "Washerwoman's Song," which is 
considered by many to be Ware's best composition. There can be no higher 
evidence of the merit of a poem than the fact that it arouses and calls into 
active being such eloquent and burning thoughts as those contained in Mr. 
McFarland's letter. . . . 

D. W. Wilder's editorial on McFarland's letter stated that the pur- 
pose was to give the poet faith in God and to remove his doubts; 
that the spirit embodied in the letter was as pure as that expressed 
in the poem. It does not have an "I-am-better-than-thou" tone, and 
in reference to the purpose it says that perhaps the poet could tell 
if the letter fulfilled its mission. "Noble letters between two true 
men would set an example to theological disputants who always 
fight and who are not Christ-like." 27 

Another communication on the poem and McFarland's letter was 
by D. P. Peffley, of Fort Scott, dated November 25, and printed in 
the Daily Monitor, November 28, the day before Thanksgiving. It 
contained much of the same thoughtfulness and expression, and was 
nearer to earth: 

I have found much to interest me in reading the letter of Mr. McFarland, 
reprinted in your last issue, discussing Mr. Ware's poem. After the mad whirl 

27. Hiawatha World, November 22, 1883. 


of personal politics, which periodically seems to swallow up everything of such 
a nature, it is indeed gratifying to those whose sentiments and affections cling 
to the little circle lighted by the domestic lamp to be allowed a corner in the 
indispensable and all visiting newspaper. The poem I have read before. I 
have also seen beauty in it; not the Miltonic beauty of grand imaginative flights, 
soaring into the loftiest empyrean, where ordinary minds dare not follow; not 
the giantlike grasp of intellect that seizes something abstract, unreal, and 
tortures it till it gives out its essence in labored metrical lengths, its beauty lost 
to untrained intellects in its incomprehensibleness, but the simple beauty of 
naturalness, of truthfulness. One hears the very "rub" of the washboard in its 
meter. It requires not the genius of a Gustave Dore to picture to oneself the 
home it describes, the hopeful sad face of the woman bending over the tub, 
set perhaps on an upturned chair, the splashed child, the miscellaneous heap of 
"duds." Alas! the scene too often naturalizes for us. 

But the burden of the song: who shall say that the woman realizes its 
weight? Let us assume that she does, since otherwise our interest must at once 
fall lifeless. We cannot make an individual case, buL must apply this one 
generally. Mr. McFarland places his stress on the existence of Christian faith. 
. . . I have long thought, thought seriously, thought honestly, on the same 
subject. Like him, I have doubted; have questioned; have asked nature; have 
examined ostensible revelation. But none offer an unchallenged ultimate basis. 

Like him, I have never disbelieved entirely, for the same reason that I have 
offered for not having shared the common faith lack of sufficient proofs to 
warrant it. But that immortality is to be inferred from the unsatisfactoriness 
of this life, I no more believe. For it is not necessarily unsatisfactory. Man 
makes it so himself. If the average of human life be but a score and a half, 
man's violations of laws, determinate and known to be inexorable, is the cause 
of it. In proof of this we need but point to the hoary age and unimpaired 
powers of some of the famous men of our time, of time but recently past. These 
men were observant of laws whose penalties they knew to be certain of execu- 
tion. Does he believe that Bryant went to his grave filled with regrets for the 
unsatisfactoriness of life? That he went "as the galley slave," and not as one 
"who wraps the draperies of his couch about him and lies down to pleasant 
dreams?" That Longfellow yearned for life a second time on earth? Or Frank- 
lin, Washington, John Adams? Or further back, Copernicus, the heathen Soc- 
rates? The average of life's duration is known to be capable of being raised 
by proper observance of the common law of hygiene. At the same time it is 
admitted that we cannot compel universal observance of them [laws]; conse- 
quently many of those who find the satisfactoriness of life to consist in the mere 
fact of existence will continue to be disappointed. 

Yet this faith, to those who have it, what a treasure! How it has upheld 
the desolate heart! How it has bended over the couch of death, cheering the 
ebbing spirit of life! ... It has made the tortures of the rack, the stake, 
of the cross itself become as if they were not. Should we, then, who cannot 
accept it implicitly, seek, by scoffs and vulgar jeers, as some do, to drive it 
from those who may have little else? Spirit of compassion, forbid it! Let the 
untaught washerwoman sing, and believe as she sings, that she has 

"a Savior for a friend, 
That will keep her to the end." 


Among other things, these two letters show how greatly times 
have changed. People took more time then, in writing such com- 
ments and in contemplating poetry in this profound sense. What 
now seems somewhat wordy and beside the point served as recrea- 
tion as well as literary art, and when a series of events such as this 
developed, it was like the serial on the inside of the back page, ex- 
cept that anyone could offer something to the growth of the train of 
letters. Also, discussions close to the hearts of the people were 
carried on through the newspapers, often in a literary and informa- 
tive fashion, taking the place of modern "canned" amusement. 

An editorial in the Sunday Capital, November 25, 1883, was 
headed, "The New Poem of Hon. Eugene Ware": 

It will be unnecessary for us to call the attention of our readers to the 
beautiful poem from Hon. Eugene Ware, of Fort Scott, addressed to Hon. N. 
C. McFarland in reply to his letter which appeared in the Capital last Sunday. 
The letter of Judge McFarland has been widely copied in the weekly press of 
Kansas. The poem is rich in pure, deep and reverential feeling, delicate and 
most beautiful in expression [,] a most appropriate reply to Judge McFarland's 
thoughtful letter. 

In another column of the same page, Ware's contribution was 
printed with the heading "Hon. Eugene Ware to Hon. N. C. Mc- 


FORT SCOTT, KAN., November 21. I have just seen in your excellent paper 
of Sunday an open letter addressed to me by the Hon. N. C. McFarland of 
Washington, D. C. I assure you that I feel honored that my "Washerwoman's 
Song" should be noticed by one who to high official position adds a recognized 
standing as a lawyer and a cultivated gentleman. The kindness of the criticism 
leads me to venture a reply, which I ask you to publish. 

To HON. N. C. MCFARLAND, Washington, D. C. 

I see the spire, 

I see the throng, 
I hear the choir, 

I hear the song; 
I listen to the anthem, while 
It pours its volume down the aisle; 

I listen to the splendid rhyme 

That, with a melody sublime, 

Tells of some far-off, fadeless clime 
Of man and his finality 
Of hope and Immortality. 

Oh, theme of themes! 

Are men distraught? 
And hopes like dreams 

To come to naught? 


Is all the beautiful and good 
Delusive and misunderstood? 

And has a soul no forward reach? 

And do indeed the facts impeach 

The theories the teachers teach? 
And is this Immortality 
Delusive unreality? 

What Hope reveals 

Mind tried to clasp, 
But soon it reels 

With broken grasp. 
No chain yet forged on anvil's brink 
Was stronger than its weakest link; 

And do not arguments maintain 

That many a link along the chain 

Can not resist a reason strain? 
And is not Immortality 
The child of Ideality? 

And yet at times 
We get advice 

That seems like chimes 
From Paradise; 

The soul doth sometimes seem to be 

In sunshine which it cannot see; 
At times the spirit seems to roam 
Beyond the land, above the foam, 
Back to some half -forgotten home. 

Perhaps this immortality 

May be indeed reality. 28 

In reprinting the "Reply," the Junction City Union, December 1, 
1883, commented: "The letter and the two poems constitute a 
cheerful oasis in the slush the newspaper man is called upon to deal 
with." The lack of a name for the poem, besides the term "Reply" 
was a handicap, but a temporary title was supplied; one of more 
logical significance by the Emporia News in its Holiday edition 
[December 25], 1883: "It May Be Reality." The Manhattan Na- 
tionalist, November 23, 1883, put Ware "at the head of Kansas 
poets," and suggested, "if he would cultivate his talents in this di- 
rection, might secure a national fame." 

28. The wording and arrangement of the lines is that of the poem as published in the 
Capital. The punctuation, however, follows that of the third edition of the Rhymes of 
Ironquill ( 1892 ) . In that edition, for the first time, changes were introduced including the 
lines seven, eight, and nine of the third stanza which were revised to read: 

"And are there not along this chain 
Imperfect links that snap in twain 
When caught in logic's tensile strain?" 

29. In its issue of November 29, 1883, the Lyndon Journal, contrasted McFarland and 
Sen. John J. Ingalls to the disadvantage of the latter as a sceptic. In his Troy Kansas Chief, 
December 13, 1883, Sol Miller blundered in his reading of the Journal's comment, and at- 


One of the most remarkable aspects of both the Ware episodes, 
1876 and 1883, is the absence of personal hostility toward Ware, or 
ridicule of his verse or of his ideas. With due regard to the allow- 
ances that properly belong to any attempt at generalization, the 
dictum of "FSM," in 1876, about Western people and religion may 
again apply respect for sincere faith even when agnostic toward 
it. 30 

In Ware's reply to McFarland, which will be referred to hence- 
forth by the later name "Kriterion," what was his position on reli- 
gious orthodoxy? In "The Washerwoman's Song" Ware had as- 
sumed the position of doubt, softened by tolerant compassion. In 
"The Real" he had stood his ground, but in "Kriterion" he appeared 
to hedge 

Perhaps this immortality 
May be indeed reality. 

In order to appreciate more accurately and adequately what had 
happened to Ware's thinking and feeling, it is well to go still farther 
back into the record. On October 23, 1870, the Daily Monitor had 
printed a poem over the initials "EFW," the first of his poems found 
there with so explicit an identification. This represented orthodox 
theological certainty. "The Washerwoman's Song" revealed Ware 
at the other extreme, a confessed agnostic, but also certain he had 
found truth. The text of "The Palace," of 1870, which Ware never 
saw fit to revive or revise for book publication in the Rhymes of 
Ironquill, follows: 


Father, lay aside your paper 
See the house that I have builded, 

With the blocks which uncle gave me 

Christmas day. 
See! its got a dozen windows, 
On the sides and on the gables, 

And its made so you can see out every way. 

Then its got a little 'zervatory 
Rising from the corner, 

Where a person stands and looks out at the sky. 
And its roof is very pointed, 
And its made of gilded shingles, 

And it rises in the middle very high. 

tributed to it a comparison of Ware and Ing alls; Ware the Christian and Ingalls the sceptic. 
Miller preferred Ingall's brains to Ware's piety. This is one of the few unkind Kansas re- 
actions to Ware's poetry, and both its error and its animus were evident. If Ware was a 
candidate for the United States senate, Miller suggested, then, "perhaps there is a neces- 
sity for starting a religious boom in his favor." 
30. Topeka Commonwealth, April 9, 1876. 


And its got a lot of porticos 
And balconies and arches, 

And great big flights of back steps made of stone; 
And inside there are galleries, 
And staircases and parlors 

And that's the kind of house that I will own. 

Father, lay aside your paper 
There! Why didn't you look sooner! 

Its too late now you should have looked before, 
For the wind came through the doorway, 
And it tilted up the carpet, 

And it wrecked my little palace on the floor. 

That's the way it always happens 
When I've got my house finished, 

There is always something sure to happen then; 
And there is no use of trying, 
For they crumble to the carpet, 

Though I build them over time and time again. 

Ah, my curly headed builder, 
You have learned the lesson early, 

That there's something always ruining our schemes; 
Happiness is but a palace, 
Built of hopes and aspirations, 

With its spires and domes and minarets of dreams. 

Ah, my little blue-eyed schemer 
Many palaces I'VE builded, 

But the gales and storms would come 

with angry strife; 

First the spires and domes and minarets, 
And then after that the palace 

Would be wrecked upon the carpet of my life. 

You will build them they will crumble, 
And the higher up the sooner; 

And as often as you build them o're and o're, 
When they're finished, through the doorway 
Comes the wind that tilts the carpet, 

And the palace crumbles downward to the floor. 

But, my curly headed dreamer 
In the sky there is a palace, 

And its builded there for those who 

love the truth; 

And its changeless and uncrumbling, 
And the splendor of its beauty, 

Far outrivals all the wildest dreams of youth. 


The contrast betwen the texts of "The Palace" and of the "Krite- 
rion" is made the more sharp by the titles supplied for the latter by 
the Emporia News, "It May Be Reality." Ware had reversed him- 
self once, and had gone part way apparently in a return, but had 
not completed the cycle. Yet, candor must insist upon sticking to 
the record, although a good case could be made for the view that 
privately Ware had not abandoned the position of 1876 on "The 
Washerwoman's Song," and "The Real," but purely as a matter of 
expediency, had made a concession to what "FSM" had insisted 
Western People demanded in "fair play" on matters of difference in 
religion a sincere respect for a genuine religious character, though 
not necessarily acceptance of religious form. Unknown is the reason 
why Ware selected, apparently belatedly, the title "Kriterion," both 
the idea and the Greek spelling. Yet the public accepted the name 
without any question about the meaning or about orthography. 


All this was written prior to a full realization by the present author 
of the fact that there was a private view of the "Kriterion" episode 
quite different from the public view in fact, a contradiction of both 
the main facts and the interpretation just given them. In order to 
reconstruct history as a whole, the private view must now be stated. 
The "Kriterion" was not a new poem, and it was not written in reply 
to Judge McFarland. Already it had been published under its 
proper title, "Kriterion," and over his pen name Ironquill, in the 
Daily Monitor, August 16, 1874, or nearly nine years prior to Mc- 
Farland's "Open letter." That was long enough before the episode 
of 1883 that those who may have once known of the earlier printing 
had long since forgotten. Besides, in 1874, so far as can be dis- 
covered, the poem did not attract any attention either at home or 
abroad. Why should it have created so remarkable a flurry in 1883? 
Why did Ware misrepresent it; offer it without its title, and as a 
reply to the open letter? Surely after the remarkable experience 
with "The Washerwoman's Song" he was aware that he was in the 
presence of an occasion that might involve portentous responses. 
Even though unprepared to answer with a new production, and like 
the preacher who turned his sermon barrel upside down to select off 
the bottom, he must have weighed the choice with care. Why did 
he perpetuate the hoax in the book publication of the Rhymes of 
Ironquill, in 1885, and in the many editions thereafter, by printing 


the McFarland Open Letter as the link between "The Washer- 
woman's Song" and "Kriterion?" 

But more important than this physical manipulation of tangible 
facts, is the violence which Ware committed upon himself; upon his 
private intellectual and religious integrity. As pointed out already, 
if "Kriterion" had been written in response to McFarland, it meant 
a retreat in thought. In its true chronology, however, it was a way- 
station along a straight line transition from the orthodoxy of "The 
Palace," through "Kriterion," to the agnosticism of "The Washer- 
woman's Song." Already, the suggestion has been made that pos- 
sibly it was a concession to his public, an act of expediency, without 
necessarily being a private reversal. That view now becomes more 
insistent, but for a quite different reason. Henceforth the student 
of Ware's poetry, and admirers of "The Washerwoman's Song," or 
of "Kriterion" as individual poems must keep in mind these two 
views, the private and the public, and their irreconcilability. 
Viewed as a whole, truth is complex and challenging. 

A Chronology of Kansas Political and Military 
Events, 1859-1865 


ON January 29, 1861, President James Buchanan signed the bill 
which made Kansas the 34th state. 

For nearly seven years Kansas territory had been strife-torn and 
bloodied by the struggle over slavery. But statehood did not bring 
peace. It was the withdrawal of Southern senators which assured 
the passage of the Kansas bill. Thus joy over the admission of 
Kansas to the Union was tempered by concern over the departure 
of the Southern states. 

War clouds were threatening when President-elect Abraham Lin- 
coln started from Springfield, 111., to Washington to take the oath 
of office. Because of threats of assassination his route in some areas 
was kept secret. However, he appeared in Philadelphia long enough 
on Washington's birthday, February 22, 1861, to raise the first flag 
containing the Kansas star to fly at Independence hall. 

Mr. Lincoln's appearance at Philadelphia was reported in the press 
in part as follows : 

FELLOW CITIZENS. I am invited and called before you to participate in 
raising above Independence hall the flag of our country, with an additional star 
upon it. ( Cheers. ) . . . 

I am filled with deep emotion at finding myself standing here, in this place, 
where were collected together the wisdom, the patriotism, the devotion to prin- 
ciple, from which sprang the institutions under which we live. You have kindly 
suggested to me that in my hands is the task of restoring peace to the present dis- 
tracted condition of the country. I can say in return, Sir, that all the political 
sentiments I entertain have been drawn, so far as I have been able to draw 
them, from the sentiments which originated and were given to the world from 
this hall. I have never had a feeling politically that did not spring from the 
sentiments embodied in the Declaration of Independence. I have often pon- 
dered over the dangers which were incurred by the men who assembled here, 
and framed and adopted that Declaration of Independence. I have pondered 
over the toils that were endured by the officers and soldiers of the army who 
achieved that independence. I have often inquired of myself what great prin- 
ciple or idea it was that kept this confederacy so long together. It was not 
the mere matter of the separation of the colonies from the mother land; but 
that sentiment in the Declaration of Independence which gave liberty, not 
alone to the people of this country, but, I hope, to the world for all future time. 
( Great applause. ) It was that which gave promise that in due time the weight 
would be lifted from the shoulders of all men. This is a sentiment embodied 
in the Declaration of Independence. Now, my friends, can this country be 



saved upon that basis? If it can, I will consider myself one of the happiest men 
in the world, if I can help to save it. If it cannot be saved upon that principle, 
it will be truly awful. But if this country cannot be saved without giving up 
that principle, I was about to say I would rather be assassinated on this spot 
than surrender it. (Applause.) Now, in my view of the present aspect of 
affairs, there need be no bloodshed or war. There is no necessity for it. I 
am not in favor of such a course, and I may say in advance, that there will be 
no bloodshed unless it be forced upon the government, and then it will be com- 
pelled to act in self-defense. (Applause.) 

My friends, this is wholly an unexpected speech, and I did not expect to be 
called upon to say a word when I came here. I supposed it was merely to do 
something toward raising the flag. I may, therefore, have said something in- 
discreet. (Cries of "No, no.") I have said nothing but what I am willing to 
live by and, if it be the pleasure of Almighty God, die by. . . . 

War came, and, though most of the major campaigns were fought 
in the East, some with Kansas troops participating, the state was 
still troubled at home. Skirmishes along the eastern and southern 
borders culminated finally at Mine creek, Linn county. Here, on 
October 25, 1864, the most important Civil War battle in Kansas 
was fought, with nearly 25,000 men engaged. 

Because of the approaching centennials of Kansas statehood and 
of the Civil War, the latter to be observed nationally, the following 
chronology of political and military events covering these stirring 
years is here submitted. Entries for the most part were taken from 
D. W. Wilder's Annals of Kansas. 


OCTOBER 4. The Wyandotte constitution, drawn up in the town 
of Wyandotte (now Kansas City, Kan.) in July, 1859, was adopted. 
The popular vote was: For, 10,421; Against, 5,530. 

OCTOBER 12. The Republican "state" convention was held at 

OCTOBER 16. Capt. John Brown, with 18 men, took possession 
of the arsenal at Harper's Ferry, Va. Several were killed and 
wounded before they were captured by federal troops, under Col. 
Robert E. Lee, who battered down the doors. John Brown was 
wounded, and two of his sons were killed. 

OCTOBER 22. Party arrived at site of "Camp on the Pawnee 
Fork" to begin construction. The name was soon changed to Camp 
Alert and later to Fort Larned. 

OCTOBER 25. The Democratic convention was held at Lawrence. 

NOVEMBER 8. Marcus Parrott was elected congressional delegate 


from Kansas. Members of the Kansas territorial legislature also 
were elected. 

NOVEMBER 30. Abraham Lincoln arrived in Elwood and made 
a speech. 

DECEMBER 1. Lincoln made a two-hour speech at Troy and a 
speech of shorter duration at Doniphan. 

DECEMBER 2. John Brown was hanged for treason at Charles- 
town, Va. 

Lincoln traveled from Doniphan to Atchison, where he spoke 
in the Methodist church. 

DECEMBER 3. Lincoln arrived in Leavenworth. A welcome had 
been prepared for him and he spoke that night to a large crowd at 
Stockton hall on the topic of popular sovereignty. He mentioned 
the execution of John Brown on the previous day saying: 

Old John Brown has just been executed for treason against a state. We 
cannot object, even though he agreed with us in thinking slavery wrong. That 
cannot excuse violence, bloodshed, and treason. It could avail him nothing 
that he might think himself right. So, if constitutionally we elect a President, 
and therefore you undertake to destroy the Union, it will be our duty to deal 
with you as old John Brown has been dealth with. We shall try to do our 
duty. We hope and believe that in no section will a majority so act as to 
render such extreme measures necessary. Roy P. Easier, The Collected Works 
of Abraham Lincoln (Rutgers University Press, 1953), v. 3, p. 502. 

DECEMBER 5. Lincoln spoke again at Leavenworth and remained 
there to observe the voting on state officers. 

DECEMBER 7. Lincoln departed for his home in Illinois and 
Marcus Parrott accompanied him eastward. The Leavenworth 
Times of that date stated: "The River opposite this city has been 
frozen over since Sunday morning. The ice on an average is six 
inches thick, and many persons and horses crossed with safety yes- 
terday." It is probable that Lincoln was driven across the ice on 
his return to St. Joseph. 


JANUARY 2. The Kansas Territorial legislature met at Lecomp- 
ton. The council consisted of eight Republicans and five Demo- 
crats; the house, 23 Republicans and 16 Democrats. The legisla- 
ture on January 4 voted to adjourn to Lawrence but Governor 
Medary vetoed the proposal. The legislature passed the adjourn- 
ment measure over his veto on January 5 and 6. 

JANUARY 7. The legislature moved to Lawrence and remained 
in session there until January 18, 1860. 


JANUARY 18. Gov. Samuel Medary issued a new proclamation, 
summoning the legislature to meet at Lecompton on January 19. 

JANUARY 19. The territorial legislature met at Lecompton but 
again, over the governor's veto, moved to Lawrence where it stayed 
until adjournment, February 27, 1860. 

FEBRUARY 14. The Wyandotte constitution was presented to the 
United States senate. 

FEBRUARY 15. Galusha Grow, of Pennsylvania, introduced House 
Bill No. 23 in the U. S. congress to admit Kansas under the Wyan- 
dotte constitution. 

FEBRUARY 21. Sen. William H. Seward, of New York, introduced 
Senate Bill No. 194, asking for the admission of Kansas. 

MARCH 16. James Montgomery and his followers were prevented 
by snow from rescuing some of John Brown's men at Charlestown, 

MARCH 20. Raids by Missourians on Bourbon county were re- 

MARCH 27. The Democratic convention was held at Atchison. 

APRIL 3. The first rider for the Pony Express left St. Joseph for 
Sacramento, Calif. Until October 26, 1861, the Pony Express was 
the fastest mode of transmitting messages from St. Joseph to the 
west coast. For a period of 18 months, until the telegraph to'ok its 
place, the Pony Express was the vital communication link between 
the east and west coasts. The Kansas portion of the route ran be- 
tween Elwood, via Seneca and Marysville, to the area of present 
Hanover, where it angled northwest into Nebraska. 

APRIL 11. The U. S. house of representatives voted 134 to 73 to 
admit Kansas under the Wyandotte constitution. 

The Republican convention was held at Lawrence to elect dele- 
gates to the party's national convention at Chicago, and to select 
presidential electors. 

APRIL 12. The clerk of the house reported the Kansas admission 
bill to the senate. 

APRIL 13. The house bill was referred to the senate committee 
on territories. 

MAY 16. The house bill was reported back from committee with- 
out recommendations. 

MAY 29. Camp Alert was renamed Fort Lamed. 

JUNE 5. Sen. Edward Wade moved to reconsider the bill, but 
the motion was defeated 32 to 26. 

JUNE 7. Sen. Robert Hunter, of Virginia, moved to postpone ac- 
tion on the Kansas admission bill. His motion carried 32 to 27. 


NOVEMBER 6. Election of the territorial legislature was held. 

NOVEMBER 28. Governor Medary and Gen. W. S. Haraey left 
Leavenworth for Fort Scott. 

DECEMBER 8. The military expedition sent by the governor of 
Missouri to the Fort Scott vicinity was encamped near the state line. 

DECEMBER 11. Sen. Jacob Collamer, of Vermont, recalled House 
Bill No. 23. 

DECEMBER 31. Judge John Pettit of Kansas declared unconsti- 
tutional the law abolishing slavery in Kansas. 


JANUARY 4. Fort Leavenworth was placed on short mobilization 
notice by Gen. Winfield Scott. Every man and horse was to be 
ready to go to Baltimore at a moment's notice. 

JANUARY 7. The final territorial legislature convened at Le- 
compton and adjourned to Lawrence where it met until February 2. 

JANUARY 10. The governor's message was presented to the legis- 
lature by George Beebe, acting governor, replacing Medary who 
had resigned. 

JANUARY 18. Sen. James S. Green, of Missouri, proposed an 
amendment to the Kansas admission bill. This amendment pro- 
vided that the Platte river region to the north should be added to 
Kansas, while the Cherokee neutral lands and the Osage lands would 
be cut off on the south. The measure was defeated, 31 to 23. 

JANUARY 19. Sen. Graham N. Fitch, of Indiana, moved to add 
sections 4 and 5 to the measure, constituting Kansas a judicial dis- 
trict of the United States, with "like powers and jurisdiction as the 
district court of the United States for the District of Minnesota." 
The motion was defeated 27 to 26. 

JANUARY 21. The senators from Mississippi, Alabama, and Flor- 
ida withdrew; the senators from South Carolina had done likewise 
in November, 1860. It has been stated that the presence of those 
members in the senate delayed the passage of the Kansas bill. 

Senator Fitch reintroduced his amendment on the judiciary. It 
was passed 29 to 28. 

JANUARY 21. The senate passed the bill as amended, 36 to 16, 
and sent it to the house for concurrence. 

JANUARY 28. The house suspended its rules so that it could take 
up the Kansas admission bill as amended. The senate amendment 
was concurred in by the house sitting as a committee of the whole, 
and the Kansas bill was passed, 117 to 42. 


JANUARY 29. Pres. James Buchanan signed the Kansas admission 
bill and Kansas became a state. 

The Leayenworth Daily Conservative published an "extra" con- 
cerning the passage of the Kansas admission bill. 

FEBRUARY 1. Both houses of the territorial legislature passed a 
resolution to elect two U. S. senators from the state of Kansas. 

FEBRUARY 8. Marcus Parrott, Kansas delegate to congress, ar- 
rived at Lawrence late at night bringing the official notification of 
the admission of Kansas to Governor-elect Robinson. 

FEBRUARY 9. The first governor of Kansas, Charles Robinson, 
took the oath of office at Lawrence. The oath was administered 
by Caleb Pratt, county clerk of Douglas county. 

FEBRUARY 20. James Montgomery wrote to the governor that 
the southern border of Kansas was in danger of Confederate attack. 

FEBRUARY 22. President-elect Abraham Lincoln, on his way to 
Washington, paused at Independence hall, Philadelphia, to speak 
and to raise the flag bearing the Kansas star. 

MARCH 5. An election was held to fill vacancies in the new state 

MARCH 10. Linn county organized the first militia regiment in 
the state. 

MARCH 26. The first state legislature convened at Topeka. 

APRIL 4. James H. Lane and Samuel Pomeroy were chosen by 
the state legislature to be the first U. S. senators from Kansas. 

APRIL 12. Fort Sumter, South Carolina, was fired on by seces- 
sionist troops. 

APRIL 14. James H. Lane, senator from Kansas, began enrolling 
troops in the Frontier Guard. This organization was voluntary and 
unofficial and was never mustered into the regular army. Its pri- 
mary mission was to serve as a bodyguard for President Lincoln 
and it was made up of Kansas men who were in Washington for 
the inauguration. On the night of April 18 and several nights fol- 
lowing, the Frontier Guard bivouacked in the East Room of the 
White House. The group was disbanded on May 3. 

APRIL 17. Capt. Samuel Walker, of Lawrence, offered Governor 
Robinson a company of 100 men. A meeting was held in Atchison 
to form a Union military company but some residents cried "Coer- 
cion" and the company was not formed. 

APRIL 18. The steamboat New Sam Gaty arrived at Leavenworth 
from St. Louis with a rebel flag flying. An immense crowd col- 
lected on the levee, and the captain was compelled to take down 
the Confederate ensign. 


APRIL 20. Seven military companies were trained in Douglas 
county and nine in Leavenworth; one was ordered to Fort Leaven- 
worth for 30-day service. 

APRIL 25. Military companies were being formed in nearly every 

APRIL 29. Capt. J. L. Reno, for whom Reno county was later 
named, was placed in charge of the arsenal at Fort Leavenworth. 

MAY 1. Rebel flags flew in many places in Missouri. 

MAY 10. Capt. Nathaniel Lyon and Col. Francis P. Blair, at the 
head of 6,000 Union volunteers, surrounded the rebel state guard 
at St. Louis, and took them prisoners. 

MAY 22. The Republican congressional convention was held 
at Topeka. 

MAY 28. The First Kansas volunteer infantry regiment began to 
organize in Leavenworth. 

JUNE 1. Col. William H. Emory and Maj. S. D. Sturgis arrived at 
Fort Leavenworth from the southwest with United States troops. 

JUNE 3. General Lyon became commander of the Military De- 
partment of the West. 

The First Kansas infantry regiment was mustered in at Leaven- 

A rebel flag was captured by Kansans at latan, Mo., and was 
brought to Leavenworth. 

JUNE 4. The state legislature adjourned. 

JUNE 10. Capt. Alfred Sully went from Fort Leavenworth to St. 
Joseph, with a force of regulars, to organize a home guard. 

JUNE 11. M. F. Conway was elected to Kansas' seat in the U. S. 
house of representatives. 

Capt. William E. Prince and a body of U. S. troops left Fort 
Leavenworth for Kansas City. 

JUNE 13. Seven companies of the First Kansas left Leavenworth 
for Kansas City. 

JUNE 17. Governor Robinson called for more troops. 

JUNE 20. The Second Kansas infantry regiment was mustered 
into service at Kansas City, Mo., for a period of three months. 

JUNE 24. The First Kansas infantry regiment and regular troops, 
under Maj. Samuel Sturgis, left Kansas City for Springfield, Mo. 

JUNE 25. James Lane published a statement in the Leavenworth 
Conservative: "On the 20th instant I was duly appointed a Brigadier 
General in the volunteer force of the United States." 



JUNE 26. The Second Kansas infantry regiment left Kansas City 
for a meeting with Major Sturgis in Missouri. 

JULY 4. Printers in the First and Second Kansas regiments took 
over the Clinton ( Mo. ) Journal and published a Union issue, remark- 
ing that the former editor left in 'Very indecent haste." 

JULY 7. Kansas troops under Sturgis joined General Lyon at 
Grand river. 

JULY 8. The Kansas senators, James H. Lane and Samuel C. 
Pomeroy, drew lots to determine the length of their terms in the 
U. S. senate. 

JULY 12. Organization of the Fifth Kansas cavalry regiment was 

JULY 15. The Third Kansas regiment was organized with James 
Montgomery as its colonel. The Third and Fourth Kansas regi- 
ments were consolidated to form the Tenth Kansas infantry regi- 
ment, April 3, 1862. 

JULY 24. The First battery of light artillery was mustered into 
service. Thomas Bickerton was the captain. 

JULY 25. By a vote at a Union meeting in Leavenworth, business 
houses were to close early every day to allow all citizens time for 
military drill. 

AUGUST 9. The rebel John Matthews drove 60 Union families 
from the Neutral lands. 

AUGUST 10. The Battle of Wilson's creek was fought south of 
Springfield, Mo. Troops from the First and Second Kansas regi- 
ments took an active part. 

AUGUST 17. General Lane began to fortify Camp Lincoln, Bour- 
bon county. 

SEPTEMBER 2. The Battle of Dry Wood. Union men under Cols. 
James Montgomery, C. R. Jennison, and H. P. Johnson and Capts. 
Thomas Moonlight, John Ritchie, James M. [?] Williams, and John E. 
Stewart fought the rebels under Gen. James S. Rains. 

SEPTEMBER 7. Atchison was in danger of invasion by rebels from 
Missouri. Five companies went to her assistance from Jefferson, 
Jackson, and Doniphan counties. 

SEPTEMBER 8. The First Kansas infantry regiment was located at 
Hannibal, Mo. 

SEPTEMBER 10. The Sixth Kansas cavalry was mustered into serv- 
ice at Fort Scott. It had been organized in July. 

SEPTEMBER 12. Humboldt was sacked by rebels. 


SEPTEMBER 15. The Second Kansas infantry regiment arrived in 
Leavenworth and was given a public reception. 

SEPTEMBER 20. The "J onn Brown's body" song was first sung in 
Leavenworth. The song originated with Union soldiers at Fort 
Warren, Mass. 

SEPTEMBER 21. Col. William R. Judson of the Sixth Kansas regi- 
ment returned from the Neutral lands, having routed the Confederate 

SEPTEMBER 23. Lane took Osceola, Mo., and burned it. 

SEPTEMBER 30. Lane's brigade arrived in Kansas City, joining 
forces under Sturgis. 

OCTOBER. Organization of the Third Kansas battery was begun. 

OCTOBER 11. Sturgis and Lane left for Springfield, Mo. 

OCTOBER 16. Humboldt was attacked by rebels for the second 
time and burned. 

OCTOBER 24. Organization of the Ninth Kansas cavalry was be- 

OCTOBER 25. Gardner, Johnson county, was sacked by Missou- 

OCTOBER 27. The organization of the Eighth Kansas infantry 
regiment was completed. 

OCTOBER 28. The Seventh Kansas cavalry regiment was organ- 
ized at Fort Leavenworth. 

OCTOBER 30. Settlers were driven from Mine creek in Linn 

OCTOBER 31. The Second Kansas infantry regiment, a 90-day 
unit, was honorably discharged. 

NOVEMBER 2. Lane and Sturgis reached Springfield, Mo. 

NOVEMBER 5. Votes for the state legislature and a location for 
the state capital were cast. Topeka received the majority of the 
votes, thus making it the permanent capital of Kansas. Lawrence 
was second in the balloting. Whisky Point, near Fort Riley, re- 
ceived two votes! 

NOVEMBER 12. A new military area, the Department of Kansas, 
was established with Maj. Gen. David Hunter in charge. 

NOVEMBER 15. The Kansas brigade returned to Fort Scott. 

NOVEMBER 27. The Third Kansas battery was mustered at Leav- 

NOVEMBER 30. Gen. James Denver was ordered to report to Fort 


DECEMBER 11. Rebels raided Potosi, Linn county. 

DECEMBER 14. Maj. H. H. Williams and his Third Kansas regi- 
ment took Papinsville and Butler, Mo. 

DECEMBER 20. The Eighth Kansas infantry was located at West- 
port, Mo. One hundred contrabands, freed by Colonel Anthony 
at Independence, arrived at Leavenworth. 

DECEMBER 31. The First Kansas infantry regiment was ordered 
to Kansas City and Fort Scott. 


JANUARY 9. Capt. John Brown, Jr., arrived at Leavenworth with 
enough men to fill his company, which was Co. K, Seventh Kansas 
cavalry. The men in Brown's company were mainly from Ohio. 

JANUARY 14. The state legislature met at Topeka. 

JANUARY 15. Union Indians were defeated in the Indian terri- 
tory, and were driven to Kansas. They encamped on Fall river. 

JANUARY 20. The Second Kansas cavalry was ordered from Fort 
Leavenworth to Quindaro (now part of present Kansas City). 

JANUARY 21. The decision of the supreme court, declaring the 
election of the governor in 1861 illegal, was published. The opinion 
was handed down by Chief Justice Thomas Ewing, Jr. This de- 
cision was considered a defeat for Senator Lane in his attempt to 
remove Governor Robinson from office. 

JANUARY 23. The Thirteenth Wisconsin volunteer regiment ar- 
rived at Fort Leavenworth. 

JANUARY 27. James H. Lane arrived in Leavenworth, supposedly 
as a major general, to take command of an expedition to the South. 

JANUARY 29. The Ninth Wisconsin volunteer regiment arrived 
at Fort Leavenworth. 

JANUARY 30. Investigations were begun in the house of repre- 
sentatives against Gov. Charles Robinson, Secretary of State John 
W. Robinson, and State Auditor George S. Hilly er "for high mis- 
demeanors in office" relating to the sale of state bonds. 

FEBRUARY. The supreme court held that laws passed by the 
territorial legislature, after Kansas became a state, were valid. 

FEBRUARY 14. The report of the house committee on the ne- 
gotiation of state bonds was published. It concluded with a reso- 
lution to impeach the governor, auditor, and secretary of state. 

FEBRUARY 26. Gen. James Lane wrote the legislature that he 
would not lead a military expedition but would resign his commis- 
sion and return to the U. S. senate. 


FEBRUARY 28. The Daily Inquirer, a rebel organ, was started in 
Leavenworth. A meeting was called to mob the newspaper. D. W. 
Wilder and M. W. Delahay addressed the mob, advocating free 
speech and the meeting of argument with argument. 

The Third Kansas battery was assigned to the Second Kansas 
cavalry regiment. 

MARCH 1. Three seats in the state senate were declared vacant 
because the senators had accepted commissions in the volunteer serv- 
ice. They were friends of Governor Robinson and enemies of Sena- 
tor Lane. 

MARCH 6. The legislature adjourned. 

MARCH 7. The notorious William Quantrill, alias Charley Hart, 
plundered Aubrey, in Johnson county, and killed at least three 

MARCH 14. John A. Martin, lieutenant colonel of the Eighth Kan- 
sas regiment, was appointed provost marshal at Leavenworth. 

MARCH 15. Kansas soldiers at Fort Riley destroyed the office 
of the Kansas Frontier News, at Junction City, believing it to be a 
disloyal newspaper. 

General Denver was ordered to take command in Kansas. Gen. 
George W. Deitzler was to join Gen. Samuel R. Curtis in Arkansas. 

MARCH 26. The First Colorado regiment was defeated at Pi- 
geon's Ranch, New Mexico. This regiment was reportedly made up 
of Kansas men. 

MARCH 27. The Ninth Kansas cavalry was mustered in at Leav- 

The Ninth Kansas volunteer regiment was renamed the Second 
Kansas cavalry. 

APRIL 8. Robert Mitchell and James Blunt were appointed brig- 
adier generals. 

MAY 2. Gen. James Blunt took command of the Department of 

The First Indian regiment was organized at Le Roy, by Robert 

MAY 8. Congress appropriated $100,000 to pay the Lane bri- 

MAY 11. The Jayhawker, Marshall Cleveland, alias Moore, alias 
Metz, was killed at the Marias des Cygnes river by men of the Sixth 
Kansas regiment. He once had been a captain in Jennison's regi- 
ment, and stole in the name of liberty. 

MAY 24. Col. William A. Barstow, of the Third Wisconsin, was 
appointed provost marshal general for the state. Maj. Elias A. 


Calkins, of the Third Wisconsin, received the appointment as pro- 
vost marshal for Leavenworth. 

MAY 27-29. The First, Seventh, and Eighth Kansas regiments, 
the Second Kansas battery, and the Twelfth and Thirteenth Wis- 
consin regiments sailed for Corinth, Miss. 

MAY 30. Col. William Weer, of the Tenth Kansas, was given 
command of an Indian expedition. 

JUNE. The first reoccupation of any part of the Indian territory, 
now Oklahoma, since May, 1861, was made by Kansas troops, who 
marched almost to Fort Gibson. 

JUNE 2-16. The Kansas senate met as a court of impeachment. 
Secretary of State John W. Robinson and Auditor George S. Hilly er 
were impeached and removed from office, while Gov. Charles Rob- 
inson was acquitted. 

JUNE 15. The Leavenworth Inquirer was suppressed by General 

JUNE 18. D. R. Anthony, lieutenant colonel of the Seventh 
Kansas, issued the following order: "Any officer or soldier of this 
command who shall arrest and deliver to his master a fugitive 
slave, shall be summarily and severely punished, according to the 
laws relative to such crimes.'* For issuing this order Colonel An- 
thony was arrested and deprived of his command in Tennessee. 

JUNE 20. Decision of U. S. Attorney General Edward Bates: 
"The absence of Governor Robinson from the State did not create 
the disability contemplated by the Constitution of Kansas, by which 
the Lieutenant Governor would be authorized to perform the duties 
of Governor/' The need for this decision came about when Gov- 
ernor Robinson and Lieutenant Governor Root appointed different 
men to the colonelcy of the Seventh Kansas regiment. 

JUNE 22. The organization of the Second Indian regiment be- 

JUNE 30. Bill and Jim Anderson, Quantrill and others, raided 
into Lyon county, shooting several people and stealing horses. 

AUGUST 4. James Lane opened a recruiting office in Leaven- 
worth for negro and white troops. 

AUGUST 8. General Blunt left Leavenworth to take command 
of the expedition in the Indian territory. 

AUGUST 12. Preston B. Plumb and Edmund G. Ross were en- 
listing men for the Eleventh Kansas regiment. 

AUGUST 15. Quantrill issued orders that men going to federal 
posts to enlist would be shot when captured. 


SEPTEMBER. Organization of the Twelfth and Thirteenth Kan- 
sas regiments began. 

SEPTEMBER 7. Quantrill raided Olathe, killing several men, and 
destroying offices of the Mirror and Herald. 

Governor Robinson issued an order for complete organization 
of the militia. 

SEPTEMBER 10. Organization of the Second battery began. 

SEPTEMBER 14. Thomas Ewing, Jr., chief justice of Kansas, was 
mustered as colonel of the Eleventh Kansas cavalry regiment. 

John Halderman was appointed major general of the militia 
of northern Kansas. 

SEPTEMBER 15. The Eleventh Kansas cavalry regiment was 
mustered at Fort Leavenworth. 

SEPTEMBER 16. Organization of the Third Indian regiment be- 

SEPTEMBER 17. The Republican state convention was held at 

SEPTEMBER 18. D. R. Anthony resigned from the Seventh Kan- 
sas regiment and returned to Leavenworth. 

SEPTEMBER 20. The Thirteenth Kansas cavalry regiment was 
mustered at Atchison. 

SEPTEMBER 29. The Union state convention was held at Law- 

SEPTEMBER 30. The Twelfth Kansas infantry regiment was 
mustered at Paola. 

OCTOBER 1. The Democratic state convention was held at To- 

OCTOBER 17. Quantrill and his gang raided Johnson county, 
killing three men and burning 13 buildings. 

The First Kansas Colored regiment was organized near Fort 
Lincoln, Bourbon county. It was ordered to Baxter Springs. The 
Thirteenth regiment was at Fort Scott, the Twelfth on the eastern 
border and the Eleventh had gone to join Blunt. 

NOVEMBER 4. An election was held for state officers, members 
of the state legislature and a U. S. representative. 

DECEMBER 7. General Blunt won a victory at Prairie Grove, 
Ark. He also gained victories at Newtonia, October 4; Old Fort 
Wayne, October 22; and Cane Hill, November 28. Blunt's forces 
took Van Buren, December 29. 



JANUARY 13. The state legislature met at Topeka. 

The First Colored regiment was mustered at Fort Scott. 

JANUARY 17. Fort Scott was re-established as a permanent mili- 
tary post. 

FEBRUARY 10. The Leavenworth Daily Inquirer, a secession 
paper, ceased to exist. The presses were destroyed, the type thrown 
out the window and cases burned. 

MARCH 3. The legislature adjourned. 

MARCH 13. Thomas Ewing, Jr., was appointed a brigadier gen- 

APRIL. The Fourteenth Kansas cavalry began to organize. 

JUNE 1. Sidney Clarke was appointed provost marshal for Kan- 
sas, Nebraska, and Colorado. 

JUNE 11. Col. James Montgomery, of Kansas, with his Colored 
regiment, left Hilton Head for a raid in Georgia. 

JULY 1. Col. James Williams, with 800 men of the First Kansas 
Colored regiment and 500 Indians, defeated a force of Texans 
under the Cherokee Stand Watie at Cabin Creek. 

JULY 4. The surrender of Vicksburg, Miss. Troops of the First 
Kansas regiment took part in the campaign. 

JULY 17. Blunt gained a victory over Cooper at Honey Springs, 
south of the Arkansas river in Indian territory. 

AUGUST 21. Quantrill and his guerrillas raided and sacked Law- 
rence. Approximately 200 buildings were burned and nearly 150 
persons were killed. 

SEPTEMBER. The Fifteenth Kansas cavalry regiment was or- 
ganized to protect border towns from further raids. 

SEPTEMBER 8. A Republican convention was held at Paola. A 
resolution was passed asking for the removal of Gens. John M. 
Schofield and Thomas Ewing and the establishment of a new mili- 
tary department. 

SEPTEMBER 19. The Battle of Chickamauga, in Georgia. Mem- 
bers of the Eighth Kansas regiment took an active part. 

OCTOBER 6. General Blunt and a small escort were attacked 
near Baxter Springs by Quantrill and his Confederate guerrillas. 
Blunt escaped, but most of his men were killed. Fort Blair was 
also attacked, but the guerrillas were repelled and several were 


Kansas up to this date had furnished the Union 9,613 white 
troops, 2,262 Indians, and one Colored regiment. 

OCTOBER 15. The Fifteenth Kansas cavalry regiment was mus- 
tered at Fort Leavenworth. 

OCTOBER 25. Col. Powell Clayton and the Fifth Kansas regiment 
took part in the Battle of Pine Bluff, Ark. Negro noncombatants 
were used to barricade the streets. 

NOVEMBER 3. The general election was held in Kansas. State 
representatives, district attorneys and a chief justice of the supreme 
court were elected. 

NOVEMBER 25. The Battle of Chattanooga, Tenn. The Eighth 
Kansas regiment was instrumental in securing Mission Ridge and 
Orchard Knob. 

DECEMBER 18. Col. William Phillips defeated a rebel force 
near Fort Gibson. 


JANUARY 1. Kansas was made a military department with Gen. 
Samuel Curtis in command. 

JANUARY 12. The Kansas legislature met at Topeka. 

FEBRUARY 6. The Seventh Kansas cavalry regiment was given 
a reception in Leavenworth. 

Eight senators and 19 members of the house protested the forth- 
coming election of a U. S. senator. 

FEBRUARY 9. Sitting in joint convention, the two houses elected 
a senator for the term that began March 4, 1865. Gov. Thomas 
Carney was declared elected but never claimed the office. 

FEBRUARY 20. The Battle of Olustee, Fla. Col. James Mont- 
gomery, commanding Colored troops, was in this battle. 

FEBRUARY 29. A reception for the Eighth Kansas infantry regi- 
ment was held at Leavenworth. 

MARCH 1. The legislature adjourned. 

APRIL 20. The War Department credited the state with 1,529 
Colored troops. 

APRIL 21. The Republican state convention was held at Topeka. 

APRIL 30. A battle at Jenkin's Ferry, Ark. Members of the 
Second Kansas cavalry participated. 

MAY 4. Kansas had raised 4,500 troops in excess of all calls. 

JUNE. Fort Ellsworth, later known as Fort Marker, was estab- 

JUNE 1. Democratic state convention was held at Topeka. 


JUNE 17. The First Kansas infantry regiment was mustered out 
at Fort Leavenworth, with the exception of two companies of 
veterans who were mustered at Bovina, Miss., to form the Veteran 
battalion, First infantry. 

JULY 2. Capt. William Matthews began to raise a Colored bat- 

General Curtis was authorized to raise a regiment of "Hundred 
Days" men. It was to be called the Seventeenth Kansas regiment. 

JULY 27. Confederate Gen. Richard M. Gano attacked an out- 
post at Fort Smith, Ark., capturing Capt. David F. Medford and 
82 of his Sixth Kansas men. 

JULY 28. The Seventeenth Kansas infantry regiment was mus- 
tered at Fort Leavenworth. 

AUGUST 3. A state convention of Colored men was held; they 
asked that the word, "white," be struck from the constitution. 

AUGUST 10. Indians made a serious raid on the Little Blue river 
near Marysville. 

AUGUST 29. Four companies of the Fifth Kansas, commanded 
by Maj. Samuel Walker, arrived at Leavenworth. 

SEPTEMBER 6. Fort Zarah was established by General Curtis. 
He named it for his son, who was killed at the Baxter Springs mas- 

SEPTEMBER 8. The Republican state convention was held at 

SEPTEMBER 13. Republican Union state convention was held at 

OCTOBER 1. Confederate Gen. Sterling Price was reported ad- 
vancing toward Kansas. 

OCTOBER 8. Gov. Thomas Carney called out the state militia, 
Maj. Gen. George Deitzler commanding. 

OCTOBER 10. General Curtis proclaimed martial law in Kansas. 

OCTOBER 14. General Blunt moved from Olathe to Hickman 
Mills, Mo. His command was organized into three brigades. 

OCTOBER 16. Blunt moved toward Lexington, Mo., with two 

OCTOBER 19. Blunt met the Confederate army and was driven 

OCTOBER 20. Blunt moved to Independence, Mo. General 
Moonlight was defeated at the Battle of the Little Blue. 

OCTOBER 22. The Battle of the Big Blue was fought, ending in 
a Union victory. 


Kansas had an estimated 20,000 men under arms. 

OCTOBER 23. The Battle of Westport, with General Price's line 
extending west nearly to the Shawnee Methodist Mission in Kan- 
sas. The rebels were defeated and began to retreat. 

OCTOBER 24. Price's army entered Kansas in Linn county, and 
camped at Trading Post on the Marais des Cygnes. 

OCTOBER 25. The Battle of Mine Creek. Kansas troops met 
and routed the Confederate army. 

OCTOBER 26. Generals Curtis and Blunt, along with their bri- 
gades, started to follow the retreating Confederates. 

OCTOBER 27. Governor Carney ordered the militia members to 
return to their homes. 

OCTOBER 28. The Sixteenth Kansas cavalry regiment was mus- 
tered at Fort Leavenworth. 

The Battle of Newtonia, Mo. Blunt began the fight alone but 
later was reinforced by Sanborn. The rebels abandoned the field. 

OCTOBER 29. Gen. William S. Rosecrans ordered all troops in 
his departments to return to their districts; however, Gen. U. S. 
Grant ordered the pursuit of Price to be resumed. 

NOVEMBER 8. The pursuit of Price was discontinued when Gen- 
erals Curtis and Blunt reached the Arkansas river. 

State and national elections were held. Members of the state 
legislature, state officers and national congressmen were elected; 
also several amendments to the state constitution were approved. 


JANUARY 10. The state legislature met at Topeka. 

JANUARY 12. James H. Lane was re-elected U. S. senator. 

JANUARY 19. The legislature adjourned until January 23, to take 
a railroad excursion to Lawrence and Wyandotte. 

FEBRUARY 7. Gen. G. M. Dodge took command of Fort Leaven- 
worth, succeeding Gen. Samuel R. Curtis. 

FEBRUARY 15. Kansas received a draft call for the first time. 
Due to an error the state had not been given full credit for her 

FEBRUARY 20. The legislature adjourned. 

FEBRUARY 21. The Eleventh Kansas regiment left Fort Riley for 
Fort Kearny. 

FEBRUARY 25. Gen. Thomas Ewing, Jr., resigned his command 
and left the army. 

MARCH 15. The draft in Kansas was suspended. 


MARCH 18. Five Kansas regiments left Fort Smith. 

APRIL 9. End of the Civil War. 

APRIL 14. Assassination of President Lincoln, by John Wilkes 

During the four years of the Civil War, Kansas supplied 17 
regiments, three batteries, two Negro regiments and a Negro bat- 
tery. Altogether Kansas is reported to have contributed 18,069 
white troops and 2,080 Negroes; an excess of more than 3,000 over 
all calls. The census of 1860 gave Kansas a white male population 
between the ages of 18 and 45 as only 27,976 and less than 300 
male Negroes. 

Mark W. Delahay: Peripatetic Politician 


THE Democratic party, in territorial Kansas, was the victim of 
a deep split engendered by the slavery issue. One faction, 
composed mainly of Missourians settling in Kansas, supported 
slavery. A second faction viewed slavery on grounds of expediency 
and refused to condone the militant tactics of the Proslavery group. 
As a result of this factionalism Democrats labored under a mani- 
fest disadvantage in the contest for political control of Kansas. 
The Democratic party was early associated in the minds of the 
electorate with the Proslavery faction, and the possibility of Demo- 
cratic ascendancy in Kansas became more remote in proportion 
to the mounting free-state sentiment of the settlers. 

Representative of the group opposed to both Abolitionist and 
Proslavery factions was the politically ubiquitous Mark W. Dela- 
hay, a Democrat, and editor of the Leavenworth Kansas Territorial 
Register. Delahay was cognizant of the weak Democratic position 
in Kansas and threw his support to the formation of the Topeka 
Free-State government in the spring of 1856, although retaining 
his position as a Douglas Democrat. The effort at Topeka proved 
to be a failure but it served the purpose of consolidating the various 
Free-State groups on a political level. These groups were soon to 
furnish the nucleus of the Republican party in Kansas. Mark W. 
Delahay was to be one of the founding fathers of Kansas Repub- 
licanism. This study will attempt to trace the reasons and moti- 
vation behind Delahay's change in politics. One factor, and prob- 
ably the decisive one, was Delahay's long association and friendship 
with Abraham Lincoln. 

According to Delahay, his acquaintance with Lincoln began in 
1835 in Illinois when both were circuit lawyers. 1 A newspaper man 
in Kansas, Delahay had gained his experience in the Illinois of the 
1840's and had conducted a Democratic paper, the Virginia (111.) 

JOHN G. CLARK, native of New Jersey, received his B. A. degree from Park College, 
Parkville, Mo., in 1954. He is currently a graduate student in history and an assistant 
instructor of Western civilization at the University of Kansas, Lawrence. 

1. Mark W. Delahay, Abraham Lincoln (New York, Daniel H. Newhall, 1939 a 
limited edition, reprinted from the Unique Broadside, issued by M. W. Delahay about 
1870), p. [2]. Delahay was also a distant relative of Lincoln's, having married the latter's 
sixth cousin. 



Observer in 1848-1849. About 1840 Delahay was editor of a Whig 
paper, the Naples (111.) Post. 2 

Politically, then, Delahay was both Whig and Democrat during 
this decade. He participated in the Whig nominating convention 
of 1846 prior t? t! e congressional elections. According to Delahay, 
his role was crucial. In 1840 the Whig party came to an agreement 
within the Springfield congressional district that congressmen were 
to be chosen by rotation. Abraham Lincoln obtained the position 
guaranteeing nomination in 1846. In that year another Whig 
leader attempted to supplant Lincoln. This move was defeated 
by a series of articles composed by Delahay in Whig papers. Dela- 
hay was a member of the five-man committee choosing the per- 
manent officers of the convention and thus in a position to exert 
some influence over the choice of personnel on the nominating 
and resolutions committees. Both committees were eventually 
composed of Lincoln's partisans. Furthermore, Lincoln had in 
January, 1846, expressed doubt as to his receiving the Cass county 
vote. Delahay was delegate from Cass county and in November, 
1845, had been active in Lincoln's interest. Much to Lincoln's 
surprise, Cass county was delivered for Lincoln, 3 at least partially 
as a result of Delahay's efforts. According to Delahay ". . . 
in a letter Mr. Lincoln did me the high honor of ascribing his 
success to my efforts." 4 Delahay was, perhaps unknowingly, cul- 
tivating a future patron for his political wares. 

Elections under the Topeka constitution, which Delahay had 
aided in constructing, were held in January, 1856. Charles Robin- 
son and W. Y. Roberts were elected governor and lieutenant gov- 
ernor; and Delahay was named representative to congress. 5 The 
Free-State government organized in March, 1856, and elected 
James H. Lane and Andrew H. Reeder as senators from Kansas. 

Territorial comment on Delahay's nomination and election was 
generally favorable. The Lawrence Herald of Freedom accepted 
Delahay as a Douglas Democrat who would serve to make the 
ticket popular in "those districts of Kansas where freedom is not 
regarded as infinitely preferable to slavery, but is weighed in the 

2. Franklin W. Scott, Newspapers and Periodicals of Illinois 1814-1879 (Collections 
of the Illinois State Historical Library, v. 6, Springfield, 1910), pp. 258, 345. 

3. Donald W. Riddle, Lincoln Runs for Congress (Abraham Lincoln Association, Spring- 
field, 111., Rutgers University Press, New Brunswick, 1948), pp. 154-156. 

4. Delahay, op. cit., p. 4. 

5. Herald of Freedom, Lawrence, December 29, 1855, January 19, 1856. On Decem- 
ber 29 the Herald cited Robert Klotz and M. F. Conway as his competitors in the Law- 
rence convention of December, 1855. Delahay ran unopposed in the elections. On the 
evening of December 22, 1855, Proslavery groups from Missouri invaded Delahay's Leaven- 
worth office, destroyed it, and threw his printing press into the Missouri river. 


balance of political expediency, and found to be rather more de- 
sirable, if anything, to the peculiar infamy of the South." 6 

Sometime shortly after the Topeka legislature adjourned, Lane 
and Delahay left Kansas and traveled eastward. A biographer 
of Lane has indicated that Delahay was present at the Cincinnati 
Democratic National convention in June, 185C. 7 However, John 
Speer, contemporary of Lane and Delahay, and biographer of the 
former, reported a conversation with Delahay stating that Lane 
and Delahay both campaigned for Fremont in 1856. Allegedly, 
the Republican party invited Delahay and Lane to New Englanu 
"for an assault on Democratic Connecticut." 8 

It is certain that Delahay was in Washington, D. C., in July, 
1856. In a letter to Governor Robinson and Lane, Delahay reported 
that Governor Shannon was on his way to Kansas with express 
instructions from Buchanan to arrest and punish "any and all per- 
sons that may take part in the organization of the Independent 
State Govt. . . ." 9 

Delahay's forebodings were turned into actualities in July. Gov- 
ernor Robinson had been arrested in May, 1856, and then came 
the dispersion of the Free-State legislature. Armed parties of both 
Free-State and Proslavery men roamed the territory with occasional 
meetings and skirmishes. A new governor, John W. Geary, ar- 
rived replacing the dismissed Governor Shannon. In October elec- 
tions were held for representatives to the territorial legislature 
and on the question of calling a convention to form a state con- 
stitution. The Free-State men boycotted the elections and the 
question was affirmatively answered. 

Where was M. W. Delahay during these momentous times? As the 
Illinois State Register put it, "one Mark W. Delahay, sometime gen- 
eral loafer from Kansas, shrieks for freedom at a Republican meet- 
ing at Carlinville." 10 Delahay was on the stump in Illinois cam- 
paigning for Fremont. One can imagine that Delahay, as a bona 
fide Kansan, stumping for a party based on anti-slavery principles 

6. Ibid. 

7. Wendell H. Stephenson, The Political Career of General James H. Lane (Publications 
of the Kansas State Historical Society, Topeka, v. 3 [1930] ), p. 61. 

8. John Speer, Life of Gen. James H. Lane, "the Liberator of Kansas" (Garden City, 
Kan., 1897), p. 108. 

9. Mark W. Delahay to General Robinson, Colonel Lane and others, Washington, 
D. C., February 16, 1856. "Robinson Papers," Mss. division, Kansas State Historical 
Society, Topeka (hereafter cited as K. S. H. S.). Delahay from the beginning of the Topeka 
movement had expressed doubt as to its legality, stating that "the power of a Territorial 
Government ceases only by an act of the body which created it." Kansas Territorial 
Register, Leavenworth, December 22, 1855. 

10. Illinois State Register, Springfield, October 18, 1856, quoted in Albert J. Beveridge, 
Abraham Lincoln, 1809-1858 (4 vols., Boston and New York, Houghton Mifflin Company, 
The Riverside Press, Cambridge, 1928), v. 4, p. 56. 


and advocating the admission of "Bleeding Kansas'* as a free state, 
made full use of his oratorical powers. The 1,300,000 votes gar- 
nered by the Republicans in the nation could not have failed to 
impress Delahay. Flexibility and willingness to advance with the 
times were characteristics of Delahay throughout this amorphous 
period. He was not yet ready to make a final political commit- 
ment but when he did it would be the right one. 

Lincoln's stature as a Republican leader was on the rise in Il- 
linois and Delahay probably possessed the necessary political 
astuteness to recognize this trend. In fact, one biographer of Lin- 
coln has asserted that during the entire territorial period Delahay 
was merely the echo of Lincoln in Kansas. This same authority 
referred to Delahay as a "dissolute Illinois attorney" who was 
"among the broken-down politicians, unsuccessful lawyers, and 
failures in business who . . . went to the new Territories for 
'another chance/ " u Although Delahay may have been in touch 
with Lincoln during the earlier territorial period, the former's forth- 
right stand on the Kansas-Nebraska act and its correlative prin- 
ciple, popular sovereignty, seems to invalidate such a conclusion. 12 
Delahay perceived that the advocacy of a Democratic position in 
Kansas was of little value in terms of popular support. However, 
he remained, at least outwardly, until the presidential campaign 
of 1856, a faithful exponent of Democracy. In explaining Delahay's 
position, it seems reasonable to conclude that since Lincoln and 
the Republican party did not prove themselves nationally until 
1856, a sudden switch of politics would have been premature 
and could have resulted in political suicide. 

The year 1857 opened inauspiciously for Free-Staters and Re- 
publicans of all shades. In March the supreme court announced 
the Dred Scott decision which actually destroyed the basic prin- 
ciple upon which the Republican party had organized, that of 
recognizing congressional authority over slavery in the territories. 
The Republican bete noire, Slavocracy, was stirring aggressively. 

In Kansas the Proslavery territorial legislature had issued a 
call for a June election of delegates to a constitutional convention, 
which framed, in October, a constitution legalizing slavery. Dur- 
ing the same month the Free-State party captured decisive majori- 

11. Ibid, v. 3, pp. 308, 309. 

12. Kansas Territorial Register, July 7, 28, August 4, 11, 1855. Bee, also, last issue 
of Register, December 22, 1855, for Delahay's effort to keep any mention of slavery out of 
the Topeka constitution. See, also, Daily Kansas Freeman, Topeka, October 26, 1855, 
for Delahay's resolution introduced in the Topeka convention supporting the Kansas-Ne- 
braska act. 

Mark William Delahay 

Early Leavenworth publisher and a friend of Abraham Lincoln. Copy 
of a painting in the collections of the Kansas State Historical Society, 



ties in both houses of the territorial legislature. The passage 
of the Lecompton constitution led to the famous, or infamous, 
Lecompton debates in congress with Douglas combating the 
Buchanan machine in an effort to defeat the bill admitting Kansas 
under the Lecompton constitution. Passing in the senate, the 
bill failed in the house and in April the house approved the Crit- 
tenden-Montgomery amendment providing for resubmission of 
the constitution to a popular vote. 13 

Delahay's reaction to these events is illuminated in a letter to 
Douglas in April, 1858: 

Last night the Steamer brought us the glad news of the defeat of Lecompton 
in the House (or rather what we regard as equal to a defeat) . . . the 
people collected on the Hill by the Eldridge House, Drum & fife and a torch 
light procession with loud calls for me, and the occasion forced me from my 
sick room ... to speak to the vast crowd. I could not do less than my 
duty to you and Crittenden ... I desire to assure you that all past dif- 
ferences between you and me upon political views, I am disposed as much to 
regret as I am to forgive; . . . you [I] am at your command whenever 
I can testify my greatfulness to you. 14 

Then came the compromise English bill and the rejection of the 
Lecompton constitution in August, 1858, by Kansas voters. Dela- 
hay's position, a study in equivocation, is expressed in a letter to 
Abraham Lincoln in June, 1858. In regard to political parties in 
Kansas, Delahay stated that: 

. . . there are some here who are trying to get up an organization of a 
Douglas party, but I am oppose [d] to any such folly ... & again there 
are others who are trying to inaugurate a Republican party which I also regard 
as bad policy . . . and to which I am opposed, at least until we become 
a State; ... I have today offered to Bet an even Bet of $100 that you 
will be the next Senator from Ills. 15 

The definitive test of strength between Lincoln and Douglas was 
yet to come. When it came, Delahay was to be on hand to play 
an active, if somewhat unethical, role. 

As the summer of 1858 commenced, Delahay's field of activities 
had moved from Kansas back to Illinois. The contest between 
Douglas and Lincoln for Douglas' seat in the United States senate 

13. In an extra-legal election on the entire constitution, held in January, 1858, it was 
rejected 10,226 to 161. 

14. Mark W. Delahay to Stephen A. Douglas, Wyandotte, April 7, 1858. "Stephen 
A. Douglas Papers," University of Chicago. Copy in the possession of Dr. Robert W. 
Johannsen, University of Illinois. Delahay had served with Douglas in the Nauvoo expedi- 
tion against the Illinois Mormons in 1846. 

15. Mark W. Delahay to Abraham Lincoln, Leavenworth, June 13, 1858. "Lincoln 
Papers," Library of Congress, copy in the possession of Dr. Robert W. Johannsen. See, 
also, Thomas Ewing, Jr., to R. B. Mitchell, December 15, 1858. "Ewing Papers," 
K. S. H. S. 



had begun, and on May 18, 1858, Lincoln and Delahay, along with 
other Illinois Republicans, spoke in Edwardsville. 16 This procedure 
was followed again in Moro, 111., a short time later. 17 

Stephen A. Douglas was in a precarious position. A letter from 
Delahay to Lyman Trumbull is illustrative of the type of opposition 
Douglas faced. Said Delahay: 

Last night with Brown, English, and Lieb (mail agent), 18 I spent several hours; 
Lieb is drilling the faithful, and I of late, have made a few speaches, sort of 
Douglass speaches. Lincoln and I went out to Edwardsville Tuesday. . . . 
Lincoln made a fine Republican speach. My speach did not please the Re- 
publicans, [but] by Brown and Lincoln, it was understood what I should say 
beforehand; my policy is to back up Douglass until after the Buckhanan con- 
vention nominate their state ticket, then I am for Lincoln. 19 

One authority maintains that Delahay's motive in stumping for 
Douglas was his bitter hatred for the "little giant." 20 It is doubtful 
that Delahay hated Douglas. Actually the Republicans found en- 
dorsement of Douglas to be a valuable expedient to prevent Bu- 
chanan men from harmonizing with the Douglas wing. Delahay 
had reached that phase in his career where he felt that the correct, 
politique, and final political allegiance could be consummated 
with safety. And the allegiance was between Delahay and the 
man, Lincoln, rather than with the Republican party. In any 
event, Delahay now concentrated his efforts on securing the elec- 
tion of Lincoln, whom Delahay did not hesitate to advise, 21 and on 
denouncing Douglas. 

Delahay had now achieved orthodoxy. He believed, as other 
Republicans did, or professed to, that Douglas had planned the 
entire Lecompton affair "so as to give himself an opportunity to 
win applause by opposing the abortion." Hence, the Republicans 
could "make out a plausible case to show that the Buchanan ad- 
ministration had been seeking to destroy the little giant' " and that 
Douglas had used the Lecompton affair to create a new basis for 

16. Roy P. Easier, ed., The Collected Works of Abraham Lincoln (9 vols., The Ab- 
raham Lincoln Association, Springfield, HI., Rutgers University Press, New Brunswick, 
N. J., 1953), v. 2, p. 447. 

17. Beveridge, op. cit., v. 4, p. 195n. 

18. George A. Brown, Republican editor of the Alton Courier; J. English, a Republican 
politician in Alton; Lieb, considered to be a Buchanan administration agent working against 

19. Delahay to Lyman Trumbull, Alton, 111., May 22, 1858, quoted in Beveridge, 
op. cit., v. 4, p. 227. 

20. Arthur C. Cole, The Era of the Civil War, 1848-1870 (Illinois Centennial Com- 
mission, Springfield, 1919), p. 166. 

21. Delahay to Lincoln, Alton, 111., August 13, 1858, "Lincoln Papers." Delahay ad- 
vised ". . . misrepresent him [Douglas] and his press . . .," and accused Douglas 
of infidelity to Illinois Democrats after the elections of 1852 when Illinois did not get a 
good share of the spoils. 


political popularity so as to "groom himself for the presidency." 22 
Lincoln had gained national prominence as a result of his struggle 
with Douglas. Some papers in his home state were already men- 
tioning his name in relation to the presidential elections in 1860. 
Delahay in January, 1859, wrote Lincoln inviting him to Kansas 
to speak at a Republican mass convention in Leavenworth. Lin- 
coln's reply was favorable as he planned a trip to Council Bluffs, 
Iowa, for the summer of that year. 23 Much correspondence passed 
between Delahay and Lincoln concerning the latter's possible 
presence in Kansas in May, 1859. The importune Delahay main- 
tained that his presence was necessary for the Republican party 
which Kansas was to organize in May. He urged that ". . . our 
Territorial Platform will want your [Lincoln's! aid in devising. 
. . . success is of first importance. . . . You must come. 
. . ," 24 Lincoln was unable to attend the Osawatomie conven- 
tion in May but sent a letter of advice to the convention through 
Delahay and two other Kansans. In it he warned not to lower 
Republican standards and especially not to surrender the object of 
Republican organization "the preventing of the spread and na- 
tionalization of Slavery." 25 

The newly organized Kansas Republican party was put to its 
first test in June, 1859, during the election of delegates to the 
Wyandotte constitutional convention. The Republicans captured 
35 of the 52 delegates seated. In view of the two-to-one majority 
the Republicans secured, Delahay's reaction is remarkable. In 
a letter of ominous tenor to Lincoln, Delahay cried: "We have 
just barely escaped a defeat in Kansas, by the [Democrats'] use 
of larger sums of Federal money and by the importation of Irish 
votes from the River Towns in Mo. . . ." Delahay revealed 
his intention of running for governor or congress in the fall and 
continued by asking Lincoln to lend him $100 and to ask mutual 
Illinois friends to contribute the same. 26 

At this time Delahay and James H. Lane were close associates. 
They were attempting to publish a newspaper which would be both 
pro-Delahay and pro-Lane and hence pro-Republican. Delahay 
considered the newspaper absolutely necessary to forward his 

22. Delahay to Lyman Trumbull, November 28, 1857, quoted in Cole, op. cit., p. 174. 

23. Lincoln to Delahay, Springfield, February 1, 1859. Easier, op. cit., v. 3, p. 355. 

24. Delahay to Lincoln, Leavenworth, February 8, 1859. "Lincoln Papers." 

25. J. L. Dugger and M. F. Conway; Lincoln to Delahay, Springfield, May 14, 1859; 
Basler, op. cit., v. 3, 378, 379. 

26. Delahay to Lincoln, Chicago, June 15, 1859. "Lincoln Papers." According to 
the letter James H. Lane and Delahay had been sent out to solicit funds, ostensibly for 
the Republican party and the coming campaign. 


ambitions. 27 Lane was necessary also as he was an extremely 
popular figure among the Republicans and Free-Soilers of Kansas. 

Delahay was quite optimistic concerning his chances of political 
success if he could maintain his close association with Lane. Lin- 
coln would also prove useful. In a letter to Lincoln, Delahay 
stated his ambition for the senate and asked him to "address Genl 
Lane . . . and say whatever you can in my behalf to him 
[for] ... he can I think secure the Election of his Colleague, 
and he is pledged to me." 28 In November, 1859, Delahay wrote 
Lincoln evincing his belief that Lincoln was the man for the Re- 
publican presidential nomination in 1860, and that Kansas, sure 
to be a state by then, would go for Lincoln if he would visit and 
canvass it thoroughly. 29 The very next day Delahay formally in- 
vited Lincoln, in behalf of the Republican party, to visit Leaven- 
worth, exhorting him that ". . . This is the most important 
period of your political life and a compliance with our wishes 
will be the best thing of all the good ones you have ever done for 
the Republican Party. . . ." 30 

Delahay was using to advantage whatever influence he possessed 
to secure the senate seat. Lincoln complied with Delahay's re- 
quest and visited Kansas late in 1859. He was ably chaperoned 
by Delahay and spoke at several of the leading settlements. 31 But 
it is unfair to accuse Delahay, as most authorities are prone to do, 
of merely using Lincoln to enhance his own prestige. 32 While this 
is true in part, the fact remains that Delahay felt a certain sense 
of loyalty to his patron. Lincoln held this trait in high esteem 
fortunately, for it was the one characteristic which Delahay had 
to offer. 

Delahay, in 1860, continued his efforts to gain a senatorial seat. 33 
In February Delahay asked Lincoln to urge his (Delahay's) can- 
didacy upon his friends in Kansas and also requested Lincoln to 

27. Delahay to Lincoln, Leavenworth, August 7, 1859. Ibid. In it Delahay also re- 
peats his request for $100. 

28. Delahay to Lincoln, Leavenworth, September 28, 1859. Ibid. 

29. Delahay to Lincoln, Leavenworth, November 14, 1859. Ibid. 

30. Delahay to Lincoln, Leavenworth, November 15, 1859. Ibid. 

31. For brief accounts of his visit see "Lincoln in Kansas," Kansas State Historical 
Collections, v. 7 (1901-1902), pp. 536, 537, and Fred W. BrinkerhofF, "The Kansas Tour 
of Lincoln the Candidate," The Kansas Historical Quarterly, v. 13 (February, 1945), pp. 

32. Beveridge, Abraham Lincoln, v. 4, p. 342. 

33. During this period Delahay was elected chief clerk of the territorial house of 
representatives. In January, 1860, the Leavenworth Daily Herald accused Delahay of 
tampering with and corrupting the Journal of the territorial house. A house committee 
subsequently vindicated him of these charges. House Journal . . . Kansas Territory, 
Special Session (Lecompton, 1860), pp. 118, 119, 164, 165. 


ask Lyman Trumbull to write in his behalf. 34 Trumbull did write 
Delahay but was indisposed to interfere in Kansas matters. 35 

The Republican party convention to select candidates for the 
presidential election of 1860 was rapidly approaching. Delahay 
schemed to present Kansas for Lincoln in the convention. Lincoln 
wrote to Delahay in March, 1860, in answer to three letters from 
Delahay. Lincoln referred to one letter in an extremely suggestive 

As to your kind wishes for myself, allow me to say I cannot enter the ring 
on the money basis first, because, in the main, it is wrong; . . . but 
for certain objects, in a political contest, the use of some, is both right, and 
indispensable. ... I now distinctly say this: if you shall be appointed 
a delegate to Chicago, I will furnish one hundred dollars to bear the expenses 
of the trip. 3 ^ 

Lincoln's comment suggested that Delahay had intimated that 
a sufficient sum of money, placed in capable hands, could secure 
for Lincoln the Kansas delegation. Delahay's political ethics would 
not have prevented the presentation to Lincoln of such an offer. 
But even granting the truth of this supposition, Delahay should 
not be castigated too hastily for he was playing the game according 
to rules which he, in no way, invented; and which, at the time, 
were not subjected to harsh condemnation. 

Delahay in the months immediately preceding the Republican 
convention worked diligently to secure the election of Lincoln dele- 
gates from Kansas. He also found time to advise Lincoln that his 
chances for the nomination were excellent and presented reasons 
which have proven to be quite accurate. 37 But his efforts were in 
vain for he failed to deliver Kansas to Lincoln and even to get 
elected to the Kansas Republican convention at Lawrence in April, 
1860. The Kansas convention at Lawrence declared itself for 
William H. Seward and its delegates were instructed accordingly. 
Lincoln was supposedly disappointed with Delahay's lack of in- 
fluence in Kansas. 38 However, Lincoln was probably unconcerned 

34. Delahay to Lincoln, February 6, 1860. "Lincoln Papers." See, also, Lincoln 
to Delahay, March 16, 1860. Easier, op. cit., v. 4, pp. 31, 32. 

35. Lincoln to Trumbull, March 16, 1860. Easier, op. cit. Trumbull to Delahay, 
February 11, I860. "Delahay Papers," K. S. H. S. 

36. Lincoln to Delahay, March 16, 1860. Easier, op. cit., v. 4, pp. 31, 32. 

37. Delahay to Lincoln, Leavenworth, March 26, 1860. "Lincoln Papers." 

38. William Baringer, Lincoln's Rise to Power (Boston, Little, Brown and Company, 
1937), p. 175. See Ewing to Lincoln, May 6, 1860, typed copy, "Ewing Papers," 
K. S. H. S., for an explanation of Delahay's failure. Seward, Ewing stated, had far and 
away the more zealous and numerous supporters who controlled the presses of Kansas. 
G. Raymond Gaeddert, The Birth of Kansas (University of Kansas Press, Lawrence, 1940), 
p. 20, stated that "the Republican people of Kansas were for William H. Seward, who 
was fighting their battles in the United States Senate." 


over Delaha/s failure and in a letter to Delahay, noticing that 
Kansas had chosen Seward, he consoled his friend by saying, "Don't 
stir them [the elected delegates] up to anger, but come along to 
the convention, & I will do as I said about expenses/' 39 

In May, 1860, Delahay joined the pilgrimage of Republicans to 
Chicago. According to his own testimony, in letters to Lincoln, 
he performed important services behind the scenes. Lincoln 
warned him to "give no offence, and keep cool under all circum- 
stances." 40 During the initial sparring, Delahay reported con- 
scientiously to Lincoln and the tenor of these missives was opti- 
mistic; more so than was actually warranted. 

What Delahay actually accomplished is in the realm of specu- 
lation. His influence was meager. He was not well known in areas 
other than Illinois and Kansas. He was from a territory with little 
voice in the affair. And he was not even an elected delegate. It 
seems probable that Delahay's influence was slight if not non- 
existent in securing the nomination for Lincoln. 41 

Lincoln cannot have expected much aid from Delahay. His in- 
vitation was probably the result of loyalty to an old friend. But 
for Delahay a more crucial consideration compelled his presence. 
Delahay sincerely believed that Lincoln's chances for nomination 
and election were excellent. This belief translated into an accom- 
plished fact would open wide, and hitherto unknown, political 
vistas for Delahay. Two alternatives would be available; the senate 
or a presidential appointment. On May 18, 1860, Lincoln received 
the Republican nomination and for Delahay half the battle was 

Delahay was jubilancy personified and immediately wired Lin- 
coln that "I want very much to return to your City [Springfield, 
Illinois] But at present I cant say that I will be able to do so. 
. . . [This] is the happiest day of my Checkquered life." 42 
Delahay probably visited Springfield for campaign instructions, and 

39. Lincoln to Delahay, April 14, 1860. Easier, op. cit., v. 4, p. 44. 

40. Lincoln to Delahay, Springfield, May 12, 1860. Ibid., p. 49. 

41. William E. Barton, The Life of Abraham Lincoln (2 vols., Indianapolis, Bobbs 
Merrill Co., 1925), v. 1, p. 431, declared that on May 18 Delahay wired Lincoln that 
his nomination was hopeless and asked if Lincoln would accept the vice-presidential nom- 
ination. Lincoln allegedly replied affirmatively. However, no evidence has ever been 
found to confirm this statement based on personal reminiscences. Furthermore, Delahay 
wrote Lincoln from Chicago, May 14, 1860, that "all conceed [sic] that you can be easily 
nominated for Vice-President, but we are not biting at the Bate [sic]." David C. Mearns, 
ed., The Lincoln Papers (3 vols., Doubleday and Co., Inc., Garden City, N. Y., 1948), 
v. 1, pp. 233, 234. 

42. Delahay to Lincoln, Chicago, May 18, I860. Ibid, p. 242. 


he and James H. Lane both entered actively in the campaign, es- 
pecially in the doubtful districts of Indiana and Illinois. 43 

Following the news of Lincoln's election, Delahay enjoyed his 
reputation as a tried and true friend of the President-elect. Del- 
ahay's prestige led many Republicans to apply to him for assistance 
in getting an appointment to some government post. 44 

Delahay was in Washington for the inauguration and had at 
least one interview with Lincoln. However, nothing was decided 
regarding Kansas patronage, for, on March 13, 1861, Lincoln wrote 
Delahay that "when I saw you . . . this morning, I forgot to 
ask you about some of the Kansas appointments. ... If you 
care much about them, you can write. . . ," 45 Delahay had 
returned to Kansas to enter into the senatorial campaign. Late in 
March Delahay answered Lincoln expressing hope that ". . . the 
appointment of Surveyor General for Kansas . . ." would not 
be made ". . . until I can see you. . . ." 46 

After the campaign, which saw James H. Lane and Samuel C. 
Pomeroy elected as the first senators from Kansas, and in which 
Delahay seemed to concentrate more on advancing Lane's pre- 
tensions than his own, both Lane and Delahay journeyed to Wash- 
ington. There they experienced the first Northern reaction to the 
bombardment of Fort Sumter. Both were officers of the heroic 
Frontier Guard which served as the defenders of Lincoln during 
those first fearful days. Delahay arranged for an interview with the 
severely harrassed president 47 and within a few days received his 
appointment as surveyor-general of Kansas. This appointment 
explains the politically innocuous campaign Delahay conducted 
for the senate. 

Delahay was to receive another appointment in 1863 as Federal 
District court judge of Kansas, 48 and in 1865, before Lincoln's as- 

43. See George W. Deitzler to S. N. Wood, August 18, I860. "S. N. Wood Papers," 
K. S. H. S. Deitzler avers that "if such fellows [Lane and Delahay] . . . are to con- 
trol matters in any degree, with the new administration, I shall feel but little hope for 
any good results from the change." 

44. William Ward to Delahay, November 8, 1860; Charles Van Lassen to Delahay, 
November 26, 1860; J. B. McAfee to Delahay, December 7, I860. "Delahay Papers,'* 
K. S. H. S. 

45. Lincoln to Delahay, March 13, 1861. Easier, op. cit., v. 4, p. 283. 

46. Delahay to Lincoln, March 29, 1861. Ibid. 

47. Delahay to J. L. McDowell, Washington [April], 1861. "McDowell Papers," 
K. S. H. S. 

48. This appointment stimulated a deluge of criticism and opposition, much of which 
was valid. Lyman Trumbull received numerous letters of protest from Kansans. But there 
was no trouble over confirmation. See Kansas City (Mo.) Western Journal of Commerce, 
October 17, 24, 31, 1863, for articles reprinted from the Leavenworth Dotty Times, Fort 
Scott Monitor, and Emporia News, all bitterly attacking the appointment. 


sassination, he hoped for a foreign assignment. However, the cli- 
max of his career came with his appointment as surveyor-general. 
This was the goal towards which he had been striving, a federal 
office, a lifetime sinecure. 

Delahay's entire career is a study of the mediocre in politics. 
In his personal accomplishments he is hardly significant. To be 
fair, of course, one must mention his position in the Topeka con- 
stitutional convention of 1855 and his journalistic efforts. But his 
tangible, measurable contributions are hardly apparent, verging 
indeed on the nonexistent. 

The question which this investigation raises then is: How did 
Delahay, possessed of such limited personal and intellectual quali- 
ties, progress in politics to a position of some power and responsi- 
bility? The obvious answer is Lincoln's use of the patronage at his 
command. But this is insufficient for it fails to explain why Dela- 
hay was so consistently a recipient of Lincoln's favors. In 1858 
Delahay made a decision, the result being that he devoted himself 
unreservedly to Abraham Lincoln. Not many men were willing 
to commit themselves unequivocally at this early stage. Lincoln 
could not have failed to recognize this. The combination of Dela- 
hay's early commitment and Lincoln's Illinois experiences with 
Delahay, and perhaps a political debt, created in Lincoln a deep 
sense of loyalty made manifest when it was within his power to 
do so. 

Delahay's finest, most perfected quality, was political shrewdness. 
This enabled him, at precisely the proper moment, to tie his for- 
tunes to the career of the right man. Delahay assessed Lincoln's 
potential with great accuracy and reaped the rewards of this judg- 
ment in later years. 

Religion in Kansas During the Era 
of the Civil War 


settlement and development of a new area, such as Kansas 
territory, involved the coming of people who brought with them 
their ideals and institutions. They brought also a pattern of work 
and worship. The soil was tilled; houses were built; schools and 
churches were established. Diversity was characteristic of the emi- 
grants who came from various parts of the nation and from many 
European countries. This diversity was a part of the religious wit- 
ness on the frontier. There were differences in doctrine, in polity, 
and in liturgy. People on the Kansas frontier were confronted with 
the Christian gospel, which had its origin in a distant era. The 
faith of the people had the rich legacy of the centuries to sustain it. 
Although frontier conditions produced new challenges, the message 
and meaning of Christianity was relevant, and believers felt a 
missionary zeal to transmit it. Religion played a vital role in a time 
of uncertainty, insecurity, and strife. Individuals and society 
shared the blessings which came from the promises of the Word 
of God. 

The Kansas frontier attracted people who came for a variety of 
motives. Adventurers, crusaders for freedom or slavery, restless 
spirits, seekers after material gain, and ordinary citizens, striving to 
improve their position, furnished the population of territorial Kansas. 
The missionary from established areas soon found that the Kansas 
locale created challenges and problems in the very nature of the 
population. The sources show that diversity was characteristic. 
Morever, the observers varied greatly in their evaluation of the 

An obvious fact was the mixed motives of the emigration to Kan- 
sas. The Rev. S. Y. Lum, a Congregationalist, who came to Law- 
rence in September, 1854, as an agent of the American Home Mis- 
sionary Society, described the people on two occasions in Decem- 
ber, 1854. On December 6 he wrote from Lawrence to the society: 

In reference to the character of the emigration as a whole, I hardly know 
what to think many there are who come here with a noble purpose. They 

DR. EMORY KEMPTON LINDQUIST, Rhodes scholar and former president of Bethany 
College, is dean of the faculties of the University of Wichita. He is author of Smoky Valley 
People: A History of Lindsborg, Kansas (1953), and numerous magazine articles relating 
to the history of this region. 



are willing to be martyrs in the cause of Religion & Liberty & yet I am com- 
pelled to think that the number of such is small in comparison to those who have 
some selfish or mercinary end to gain. I must confess that my mind has 
changed on this subject & I do not think so highly of the aggregate emigration 
as at first. I find many, perhaps a majority, without any settled moral principles 
as a basis of action & when once outside the restraints of eastern society, they 
act out the native depravity of the human heart. . . . l 
Lum emphasized the mercenary character of the people, but in 
addition, he was distressed by the open hostility which was shown 
toward church work. In his first report to the American Home 
Missionary Society on December 23, 1854, the Kansas situation was 
graphically described: 

The large majority of all who come to the Territory, so far as I have the 
means of judging, are actuated solely by selfish or mercenary motives. Many 
such are the open enemies of the dearest doctrines of the Cross, & declare 
themselves determined to wage war against the introduction of "Orthodox 
sentiments." In my intercourse with this community, I have been pained 
to find not a few who have been professors of religion in Eastern Churches, 
openly avow themselves the enemies of the truths they once espoused, tramp- 
ling on the Sabbath, & ridiculing sacred things. On the other hand, I find a 
goodly number of true spirits, who have joyfully sacrificed the comforts of 
eastern homes, & the communion of eastern Christians, for the rescue & salva- 
tion of Kansas & here they maintain a character such as might be expected 
from such principles. 2 

The pioneer Kansas preacher soon learned that the frontier bred a 
response of radicalism of various types. The new freedom was 
often accompanied by a freedom from the restraint of the old order. 
The decision to leave the old society produced by its very nature a 
break with tradition. As Lum became better acquainted with the 
field which he was to serve, he found that the problems increased 
in number and in intensity. On February 28, 1855, he shared his 
deep-seated concern with the officials of the American Home Mis- 
sionary Society as follows: 

I find that when I wrote last I had not become fully acquainted with all 
classes of men I had come in contact with out here & the more of experience [?] 
I have on this subject, the more I am led to believe that, in many respects, 
there are few fields of labor more difficult of cultivation than this. All kinds 
of radical ideas are pretty fully represented here, and I have almost thought, 
at times, that all this class of persons from the entire Union, are flowing in, in 
hopes of realizing their wildest schemes. Time after time, they have made 

1. Emory Lindquist, ed., "The Letters of the Rev. Samuel Young Lum, Pioneer Kansas 
Missionary, 1854-1858," The Kansas Historical Quarterly, Topeka, v. 25 (Spring, 1959), 
pp. 45, 46. The original letters to the American Home Missionary Society are in the 
splendid collection of the Hammond Library, Chicago Theological Seminary, with the ex- 
ception of a few items. Permission to use these letters has been granted by Harvey Arnold, 
librarian, of the Hammond Library. 

2. Lum to A. H. M. S., December 23, 1854, ibid., pp. 52, 53. 


their boast that they would crowd orthodoxy out of Kansas. Yet I trust, in 
this they will be disappointed; there is no kind of misrepresentation or mis- 
statement, to which they have not already resorted, to shake, if possible, the 
confidence of the community in those who adhere to the truth. Their influence 
with candid men is constantly decreasing. I trust that there will be soon 
large numbers of true men join us who will help to stay the flood of iniquity 
& infidelity that it threatening. 3 

Lum sensed the impact of the frontier upon the religious life of 
the people. A spirit of recklessness and abandonment of the princi- 
ples of the home society created serious problems for the minister. 
He realized that the evolving pattern might produce victory for 
forces which would damage the future of Kansas. His concern as 
well as his hope for the future was expressed in a letter to the 
American Home Missionary Society in April, 1855: 

But there are other dangers that await the comers to this new Territory, 
than those which grow out of the political agitation. Every month's residence 
here develops this fact more fully. The circumstances under which mind is 
thrown in this wild frontier life, for it can be called nothing else as yet, 
engenders a recklessness, & freedom from restraint, that too often, prove fatal 
to the principles, as well as the practices of a home society & it is not too much 
to say, that we have the material, for either the worst, or the best, state of 
society in our country. There are surely enough influences at work, unless 
counteracted by the Infinite One through the efforts of His church to over- 
throw any society. 4 

Lum, however, felt encouraged by recent arrivals to Kansas. In the 
same letter cited above he described the pattern of his expectation, 
although it is characterized by eastern provincialism: 

The first waves of eastern emigration begin to be felt here, & they bear to 
us some choice spirits. From present appearances, I think we may hope for 
a higher state of character in some respects, than that which came last Fall. A 
greater proportion seem earnest Christians & from the interest, with which 
they enter into our social gatherings for prayer, they encourage the hope of 
eminent usefullness in our midst. As the families move in the Sabbath school 
is rapidly increasing, & the Bible Class receives new accessions & awakens a 
deeper interest. 5 

The consequences of separation from "the restraints of religious 
society'* were emphasized often by the pioneer missionaries in 
Kansas. The Rev. F. P. Montfort, a Presbyterian minister, empha- 
sized this factor in his first quarterly report to the Presbyterian board 
in 1856: 

3. Lum to A. H. M. S., February 28, 1855, ibid., p. 57. 

4. Lum to A. H. M. S., April, 1855, ibid., p. 59. 

5. Ibid. Four parties came to Kansas under the auspices of the New England Emi- 
grant Aid Company in September, October, and November, 1854. Six groups arrived in 
the spring of 1855. Louise Barry, "The Emigrant Aid Parties of 1854," The Kansas His- 
torical Quarterly, v. 12 (May, 1943), pp. 115-155; Louise Barry, "The New England Emi- 
grant Aid Company Parties of 1855," ibid., v. 12 (August, 1943), pp. 227-268. 


The people of the territory are from all points of the compass, those who 
profess, differing not less in their religious sentiments than in their features of 
countenance, while a vast majority make no profession, and separated from the 
restraints of religious society show but little respect for the ordinances of 
religion. Observation has also induced the painful reflection, that of those 
who have named the name of Christ, many are more interested in political 
affairs than in Christ's cause and more involved in measures whose tendency 
is to encourage party jealousies and discord in the Territory, than in the interests 
of Christ's kingdom, and in the use of those means and instrumentalities which 
would be subservient to its advancement and prosperity in their midst. 6 

The Rev. M. J. Miller, a minister of the Evangelical Association 
at Leavenworth wrote in 1858 that the people "are so wild and de- 
graded that they do not desire the gospel. It appears that all the 
lovers of strife, and wars, and bloodshed, of all states emigrated here 
to this territory, or else they became so since they are here." 7 
Other missionaries recognized the problems associated with the 
character of the population, but were reluctant to emphasize it in 
their descriptions of the work in Kansas. Lewis Bodwell, a Congre- 
gational minister at Topeka, was generally disposed to overlook 
these facts, although he implied it in quoting the words of a neighbor 
missionary who said that "outside of my church & of the others 
formed here, I do not know of one young man who is not addicted 
to gaming, profanity, intemperance or incestuousness, in some cases 
to two, three, or all of these vices/' which was "a sad story & a fear- 
ful account/' 8 

However, Bodwell was fully sympathetic with Lum's analysis of 
the problems created by the uncertainty of life on the Kansas frontier 
in relationship to religious values. He described the situation in 
these graphic words: 

Few facts, in connection with the settlement of this new country, are more 
sad than the wreck of Christian hopes occasioned by the passage from East 
to West. Members are found in every community who once stood fair in the 
church of God, but have here denied their professions, or, what amounts to 
the same thing, have neglected to reiterate those professions in their new home. 
With some this is mere neglect with others it is intentional. Some seem glad 
of the opportunity, which a change of residence affords, to shake off the re- 
straints of religious professions. . . . Kansas is full of professors of re- 
ligion from the East, but, instead of shining out of themselves, we need to go 
round and hunt them out with a torch. 9 

6. Rev. F. P. Montfort, The Home and Foreign Record of the Presbyterian Church 
of the United States of America, Philadelphia, v. 8 (1856), pp. 355, 356. Hereafter re- 
ferred to as The Home and Foreign Record. 

7. Rev. M. C. Platz, ed., Fifty "Years in the Kansas Conference, 1864-1914; A Record 
of the Origin and Development of the Work of the Evangelical Association (Cleveland, 
n. d.), p. 19. 

8. Russell K. Hickman, "Lewis Bodwell, Frontier Preacher; The Early Years," The 
Kansas Historical Quarterly, v. 12 (August, 1943), p. 291. 

9. The Congregational Record, Lawrence, v. 1 (April, 1859), pp. 21, 23. 


Bodwell in an article in The Congregational Record, April, 1860, 
entitled "Homelessness as a Hindrance to the Gospel" indicated a 
significant characteristic of the population which had negative 
influences on church work: 

On this western field, the gospel meets some peculiar obstacles incident 
to the state of society. Of these hindrances, few are more discouraging than 
the unsettled character of our population. The western phrase, "I do not live, 
but only stay," is of almost universal application. The word "home" might 
be entirely stricken from our vocabulary. . . . It is quite probable that 
one-half of the present population of Kansas will spend their days here while, 
at the same time, there are very few here who have positively made up their 
minds to make this their home. It is all an experiment. 10 

While there were many declarations of despair from Kansas, 
other missionaries held different opinions as to the character of the 
population and the prospects for the church. In the autumn of 
1854 an individual identified only as J. G., a Presbyterian colporteur, 
made an extensive tour of the Kansas territory. He was impressed 
with the settlers as "enterprising young men, with minds ardent and 
social, just commencing life for themselves." He believed that "in 
that confused mass of society too, composed of such heterogeneous 
elements, all, as it were, severed from their natural associations, and 
where society is just forming, they are much more open to religious 
impressions than in old countries where habits and associations are 
of a stereotype cast." n Mrs. Julia Louisa Lovejoy, wife of the Rev. 
Charles H. Lovejoy, pioneer Methodist missionary, was enthusiastic 
about the qualities of members of the company who settled in the 
future Manhattan area in the spring of 1855. She wrote that "our 
company consists of men of the 'right stamp* mostly from Massa- 
chusetts and Rhode Island, including a number of clergymen, and 
men of liberal education, who have been successfully engaged for 
years as teachers in our distinguished seminaries of learning in the 
East, and are henceforth to devote their energies for the benefit 
of the new territory." 12 

Richard Cordley, the long-time Congregational pastor at Law- 
rence, recalled later the characteristics of the people with whom 

10. Ibid., v. 2 (April, 1860), p. 23. Prof. James C. Malin has described the fluidity 
of population as follows: "Pioneer life was always conspicuously unstable and insecure. 
Movement was its outstanding characteristic. Of the people present in a given community, 
according to the census of 1855, for example, very few would probably be there five years 
later, still fewer in 1865, and 1875. A similar principle could apply to the newcomers of 
1860 or 1865, only possibly in less drastic proportions." James C. Malin, "Notes on the 
Writing of General Histories . . ." The Kansas Historical Quarterly, v. 21 (Spring, 
1955), p. 332. 

11. The Home and Foreign Record, v. 6 (June, 1855), p. 164. 

12. Julia Louisa Lovejoy, "Letters From Kanzas," The Kansas Historical Quarterly, 
v. 11 (February, 1942), p. 38. 


he associated upon his arrival in Kansas in 1857. He realized that 
diversity was a real factor as he wrote: 

And these were not the traditional roughs of the frontier. They were people 
of culture and character who had come to make Kansas a free state. They 
had come in many cases without any definite idea as to what they were to do 
or how they were to make a living. They were ready to do anything that 
offered, their main purpose being to take part in settling the great question of 
freedom for Kansas. . . . Beside these solid men of solid purpose, the 
country was full of the curious who came to see what was going on; of ad- 
venturers who came to join in the fray; of speculators who came to profit by 
the occasion. 13 

An unidentified Presbyterian visitor to Kansas in October, 1858, re- 
ported to his board of missions that the character of the Kansas 
people was on a very high level. He cited as an illustration the 
statement of a reliable friend who had just recently "reckoned up 
more than one hundred college graduates residing in Lawrence and 
its immediate vicinity." This unnamed visitor concluded with the 
question: "Who can estimate the power of such a mass of edu- 
cated enterprising minds, for good or ill?" 14 

Another observer, the Rev. J. D. Liggett, a Congregationalist at 
Leavenworth, reported about the quality and attitude of the Kan- 
sas people in 1860. He declared in January, 1860, that "I never 
mingled with a population that embraced so large a proportion of 
superior and cultivated intellect as is to be found in this city and 
it is practically infidel and reckless in a moral point of view. Yet the 
infidelity is more pretended than confirmed I think." 15 Liggett was 
also impressed with what he saw in 1860 after an extensive trip 
in the Kansas territory. His enthusiastic appraisal was as follows: 

A trip of some 400 miles through this vast and beautiful territory has very 
much enlarged my ideas of its size, the number of its inhabitants, and has 
given me a much more favorable opinion of the character and habits of the 
settlers. They are as a general thing, an intelligent, sober, and industrious 
people. Judging from what I had seen in the border and river towns, I had 
expected to see a good deal of open sin; but in travelling two weeks through 
the most populous portions of Kansas, I did not see a single drunken man 
and very few who looked as if they drank at all. In most of the flourishing 
little towns, of which there are many, intoxicating liquor is a contraband article 
of trade. I also found the people very willing to hear preaching. 16 

13. Rev. Richard Cordley, Pioneer Days in Kansas (New York, 1903), pp. 60, 61. 
A fascinating description of the people in Lawrence during the early territorial era identi- 
fied as "Easterners" and "Westerners" is found in James C. Malin, "Housing Experiments 
in the Lawrence Community, 1855," The Kansas Historical Quarterly, v. 21 (Summer, 
1954), pp. 95-100. 

14. The Home and Foreign Record, v. 9 (October, 1858), p. 318. 

15. Rev. J. D. Liggett to the A. H. M. S., Leavenworth, January 2, 1860. 

16. Ibid., July 23, 1860. 


Religious life on the Kansas frontier was fashioned by the forces 
of society and by the character of the people. The latter factor 
presented the missionaries with a variegated pattern of good and 
evil. Some observers found that here were men of "the right 
stamp," and "not the traditional roughs of the frontier." There 
were "people of culture and character who had come to make 
Kansas a free state," possessing "superior and cultivated charac- 
ters." They were described as "intelligent, sober, and industrious 

There can be little doubt but that many individuals of that type 
were in Kansas. But other contemporaries portrayed another pic- 
ture with serious consequences for missionary enterprise. The 
people were characterized by a "spirit of recklessness and aban- 
donment of the principles of the home society." There were the 
disastrous effects of "coming outside the restraints of eastern so- 
ciety." Kansas had people who were "full of all kinds of radical 
ideas." They were "speculators, curious, and adventurers," dom- 
inated by "mercenary motives." "The unsettled character of the 
population" destroyed the stability so necessary for effective con- 
gregational life. While there were many professors of religion, it 
was necessary "to go around and hunt them up with a torch." 

Although there might have been problems with the people, at 
least one individual found that Kansas was an unusual place. While 
riding one twilight evening across the Kansas prairies in the au- 
tumn, Brother Jonas Dodge confessed to the Rev. James Shaw: 
"I cannot conceive that God ever made Kansas for men to live in. 
It is altogether too good; he must have made it for the angels, and 
we are only permitted to sojourn among them for awhile, prepara- 
tory to our final dwelling place in heaven." 17 

The frontier provided many great challenges to the pioneer 
missionary who sought to confront the people in that unsettled and 
disturbed civilization with the witness of the Gospel. Able and 
consecrated men devoted themselves unsparingly to their high 
calling. While they took courage because of their mission, there 
was full recognition of the facts of frontier life. The Rev. Charles 
Blood, Manhattan, in a statement to Milton Badger of the Ameri- 
can Home Missionary society, in September, 1857, entitled, "Why 
Kansas is an unpromising field for religious efforts" analyzed the 
factors as follows: 

17. Rev. James Shaw, Early Reminiscences of Pioneer Life in Kansas (Atchison, 1886), 
p. 53. 


1. The time and thought of the settlers are so much occupied in preparing 
to live that it seems impossible to interest their minds in religious matters. 

2. The minds of many are full of care and anxiety about their claims. 
These cares will not be removed until they have paid for their lands and 
secured a title to them. 

3. The unsettled condition of political affairs has operated unfavorably to 
the promotion of religion. 

All these things have operated unfavorably to the moral and religious in- 
terests of the people. Intemperance, profanity, sabbath breaking have prevailed 
to an alarming extent. Still these things are incident to every new country. 
We hope that soon we shall see an improvement in this respect. 18 

It is understandable that the charge of "worldliness" would be 
directed against the people on the Kansas frontier. There was no 
opportunity for the regular regimen of life as was possible in a 
settled civilization. The contemporary sources portray these fac- 
tors in an interesting manner. The Rev. J. D. Liggett described 
from Leavenworth the general situation in January, 1860: 

The great and formidable obstacle to the progress of the gospel here is, has 
been, that people are too much engrossed in worldly affairs to think of religion. 
I need not remind you of the absorbing character of the politics in Kansas or of 
the scenes of riot and blood-shed which have demoralized the people. A no less 
demoralizing cause is the spirit of speculation, which absorbs the hearts of almost 
every one. Most of those who are here came for the purpose of improving 
their worldly condition and they manifest by all their conduct, a determination 
not to be easily divested from that object. When a little good seed is sown, 
the cares of the world seem to prevent its growth. . . , 19 

Liggett also pointed out in June, 1860, that "the emigration to the 
gold regions has taken away several of our members, some per- 
manently, and some temporarily. While the stir and excitement of 
outfitting lasted, a marked effect was produced on the audiences at 
church, this however lasted only two or three Sabbaths." 20 

Evidence from nonclerical sources is provided by William Stanley 
Hoole, a young Southerner who lived at Douglas, in November, 
1856: "I am astonished to see so little regard paid to the Sabbath, 
as there is here among people who seem to be enlightened in every 
other respect. When I went up to Lecompton today, the steam- 
mill was going just as if it were not Sunday, and all the groceries 
were open, as on any week-day. But this is pretty much the case all 
over the Ter. those who do not work go hunting, or do something 
else." 21 George H. Hildt found in June, 1857, "Sunday a very dull 

18. Rev. Charles Blood to the A. H. M. S., Manhattan, September 28, 1857. 

19. Rev. J. D. Liggett to the A. H. M. S., Leavenworth, January 2, 1860. 

20. Ibid., June 19, 1860. 

21. William Stanley Hoole, "A Southerner's Viewpoint of the Kansas Situation, 1856- 
1857; The Letters of Lieut. Col. A. J. Hoole, C. S A.," The Kansas Historical Quarterly, 
v. 3 (May, 1934), p. 148. 




Lewis Bodwell 


Pardee Butler 

Atchison county 

Richard Cordley 


Hugh Dunn Fisher 



Charles H. Lovejoy 


Samuel Young Lum 


Peter McVicar 


Roswell Davenport Parker 

Leavenworth and Wyandotte 


hot day, a good deal of traveling on the road a great many going to 
Paoli when the land sales goes off this week." 22 

The situation relative to Sunday observance reached a critical 
state at Leavenworth in 1861. The ministers began an attack on 
"Drunkenness, Gambling, Dancing, Profanity, Theater Going, Balls/' 
These evils were denounced in Sunday sermons and in Monday 
evening discussion groups. The "desecrators" of the Sabbath were 
determined to have revenge. An attempt was made to prosecute 
the ministers "for working for hire" on Sunday. Action was taken 
to put through an "anti-Sunday" law. The slogan was, "Down with 
the old Massachusetts Blue Laws." The church party, however, 
won the election. The Rev. H. D. Fisher, who was an active partici- 
pant in this struggle has described the situation: 

I visited the Catholic Bishop, who kindly said: "My people have need of 
the Sabbath for a day of worship and rest and I will instruct them so to vote. 
Mr. Stone, the Episcopal Minister, doffed his surplice and gown, Mr. 
Baldridge put his trousers inside his boots, Brother Pitzer rolled up his trousers 
and put on a pair of rubbers, while I doffed what little ministerial dignity had 
hitherto embarrassed me I have never seen it since and we pitched in to 
win. And win we did. 23 

While there were many critics of the lack of Sunday observance, 
other contemporaries were impressed by the traditional and sober 
observance of the day. When William P. Tomlinson spent a Sunday 
at Lawrence in May, 1858, he observed that "the citizens of Law- 
rence, by their universal observance of the 'day of rest' remind the 
sojourning traveler that they were the descendants of the stern and 
rugged Puritans. Not a sign of business was anywhere to be seen. 
No groups were on the corners of the streets. When the bells 
ceased ringing their morning chimes, all were gathered in the 
various houses of prayer." 24 A visitor to Topeka in 1864, David R. 
Cobb, felt that "the Sabbath here seems more like civilization 
the good old Bell chimes forth its notes of peace, of rest, and love." 
However, he concluded that "the people are not a church going 
people if I was to judge from those I saw out last Sabbath and 
today." 25 

22. Martha B. Caldwell, ed., "The Diary of George H. Hildt, June to December, 1857, 
Pioneer of Johnson County," ibid., v. 10 (August, 1941), p. 269. 

23. Rev. H. D. Fisher, The Gun and the Gospel; Early Kansas and Chaplain Fisher 
(Chicago and New York, 1897), pp. 156, 157; Rev. Hiram D. Stone, "Memoirs of a Pioneer 
Missionary and Chaplain in the United States Army," The Kansas Historical Collections, 
Topeka, v. 13 (1913-1914), pp. 343, 344. 

24. William P. Tomlinson, Kansas in Eighteen Fifty-Eight (New York, 1859), pp. 
45, 46. 

25. David Glenn Cobb, ed., "Letters of David R. Cobb, 1858-1864," The Kansas His- 
torical Quarterly, v. 11 (February, 1942), p. 69. 



The ministers generally were cautious in their statements relative 
to numbers at worship services. It was generally assumed that the 
church goers were serious in their attendance and undoubtedly 
this was the true situation for the majority. However, the Rev. 
Lewis Bodwell, who served the Topeka Congregational church 
with great devotion, was honestly skeptical at least when he wrote 
an article for The Congregational Record in January, 1860, entitled, 
"Worship Versus Entertainment": 

There is undoubtedly a growing tendency in our communities to underrate 
worship as such. Our Sabbath assemblies are not regarded distinctly as 
worshipping assemblies, but as congregations assembled to hear preaching. 
The services are judged, not by their power to build up Christian character, 
but by their power to entertain. Men go to church for the same reason that 
they go to a concert. Church services may not be as interesting as a concert 
would be, but then the Sabbath hours are on their hands. . . . Church 
service breaks up the monotony, and helps the hours along. 26 

While worldliness and desecration of the Sabbath might be 
viewed with varying degrees of concern, there was unanimous 
agreement about the evils of drinking and allied activities. The 
Rev. Charles Blood felt in 1856 that "in this new territory one of 
the greatest obstacles to the spread of the gospel is the alarming 
prevalence of intemperance" although he realized that "temperance 
has its friends and advocates here." 27 In October, 1856, the com- 
mittee on temperance at the first session of the initial meeting of 
the Kansas and Nebraska Conference of the Methodist Episcopal 
Church in assembly at Lawrence presented the following report 
which was adopted by the conference: 

Viewing the temperance movement as one of the great instrumentalities 
for the suppression of crime and the promotion of virtue, therefore, Resolved, 
1st, that we give king alcohol no quarters within our bounds. 

Resolved, 2nd, that we will not patronize nor in any way give our support to 
the dealers in spirituous liquors. 

Resolved, 3rd, that we will preach on the subject of temperance at our 
various appointments during the year and encourage the formation of a tem- 
perance society. 28 

In 1861 the Methodists declared in annual convention that "whereas, 
Intemperance with all its accumulations of moral and social evils, 
is still destroying the souls and bodies of many in our State, there- 
fore Resolved, That Methodist Preachers should not cease to 'cry 

26. The Congregational Record, Lawrence, v. 2 (January, 1860), pp. 5, 6. 

27. Rev. Charles Blood to the A. H. M. S., Manhattan, March 15, 1856. 

28. Minutes of the First Session of the Kansas 6- Nebraska Annual Conference of the 
Methodist Episcopal Church, 1856 (Omaha City, N. T.), p. 7. 


aloud and spare not' before all the people/' 29 In 1862 in addition 
to a resolution on alcoholism, the Methodist annual conference re- 
solved, "that it is the duty of Christians to put off all 'filthiness of 
the flesh' especially that which is involved in the use of Tobacco, 
and we pledge ourselves to enjoin the same by both precept and 
example." 30 

Various church groups passed resolutions on the subject of al- 
cohol and drinking. One of the more interesting approaches to 
this subject was taken under the leadership of the Rev. Peter Mc- 
Vicar at Topeka, who in March, 1861, organized the "Band of 
Hope." Membership was limited to persons between the ages of 
five and twenty-one, although older individuals could become 
honorary members. McVicar reported that 131 people had taken 
the following pledge as members of the "Band of Hope": 

I do Solemly Promise, totally to abstain from the use of all Intoxicating 
Liquors as a drink, and from the manufacture and sale of them, except for 
medical, mechanical, and sacramental purposes. 

I also promise to abstain totally from the use of Tobacco, in all its forms; also 
from the use of Profane Language. 

I will also use my best endeavors to induce others to sign this pledge. 31 

When the first annual meeting of the Kansas State Temperance 
Society was held on October 9, 1861, it was resolved "that we look 
to the churches of our state for earnest cooperation in the work of 
temperance, and we suggest that self-defense will demand total 
abstinence from intoxicating drinks as a beverage as one test of 
membership." A number of clergymen, including the Rev. Peter 
McVicar of Topeka, were leaders in this society. 32 

The American Home Missionary Society received many reports 
from the missionaries about the lack of sobriety among certain 
Kansans. The Rev. Rodney Paine declared from Burlington in 
January, 1861, that "a more miserable crew of drunkards ought no- 
where to be found than have lounged at the grogery and staggered 
in the streets of Burlington. The restraints of the Gospel have not 
prevented an increase of this demoralizing influence." 33 The Rev. 
J. D. Liggett chronicled from Leavenworth in December, 1862, a 
wide variety of evils as well as one proposed solution: 

29. Minutes of the Annual Conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church, 1861 (Leav- 
enworth), p. 16. 

30. Minutes of the Annual Conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church, 1862, p. 21. 

31. Rev. Peter McVicar to the A. H. M. S., Topeka, March 1, 1861. A one-page cir- 
cular describing the "Band of Hope" was enclosed with McVicar's letter. 

32. Clara Francis, "The Coming of Prohibition to Kansas," The Kansas Historical Col- 
lections, v. 15 (1919-1922), p. 200. 

33. Rev. Rodney Paine to the A. H. M. S., Burlington, January 17, 1861. 


We have two theatres of a low order much patronized. Saloons and whiskey 
shops almost numberless; about 300 prostitutes; whose houses are very prom- 
inent and notorious, one of which stands right in front of the Methodist 
Church, unmolested by Civil authority. A very large proportion of our citizens 
are young men, away from home and also without the restraints of well-or- 
ganized and virtuous society and they fall ready victims of the temptations 
that assail them on all hands. Many of them are intelligent and, have been 
well-educated under early religious influences, and are respectable as the 
world goes. They will attend church too as a general thing, but the influences 
of evil outweighs all good impressions. A free and easy life seems to be the 
general standard. After much thought, perplexity and prayer as to my duty, 
I have concluded soon to deliver a series of lectures on sabbath evenings 
exclusively to young men; and to grapple with these glaring sins in the un- 
restrained language which such an audience will allow better than a mixed 
congregation. I can think of no way better than thus to meet such sins with 
the ungloved hand in open and relentless fight. The ordinary preaching does 
not seem to meet the exigencies of the case. 34 

While the standard of conduct on the frontier was a factor in the 
development of the churches, the real facts of hard times and 
economic distress were also decisive. The financial sources of the 
settlers were exceedingly limited. There were no old and well-es- 
tablished families who could furnish capital for building and funds 
for current operations. Moreover, under the best circumstances, 
a considerable period of time was required before any surplus 
money was available for either individuals or the community. 
The missionaries were almost entirely dependent upon the modest 
grants provided by the home society or upon the sources of income 
which they could secure by their own labors exclusive of the 
ministerial appointment. 35 

The nature of the economic problem was made apparent in the 
report of the committee on necessitous cases at the first session of 
the Kansas and Nebraska Annual Conference meeting at Lawrence 
in October, 1856. The committee acknowledged the receipt of 
$456.20 for "suffering brethren who have labored in Kansas, and 
who have met with heavy losses and endured very great sufferings 
and hardships during the late troubles in the territory." Fourteen 

34. Rev. J. D. Liggett to the A. H. M. S., Leavenworth, December 3, 1862. An inter- 
esting description of the theatre and other forms of entertainment in Leavenworth during 
this period is found in the study by James C. Malin, "Theatre in Kansas, 1858-1868: Back- 
ground for the Coming of the Lord Dramatic Company to Kansas, 1869," The Kansas His- 
torical Quarterly, v. 23 (Spring, 1957), pp. 23-31. The author points out that there were 
200 license-paying saloons in Leavenworth in November, 1858. Ibid., p. 52. 

35. Prof. James C. Malin has described these important economic factors in another con- 
text: "Kansas could not indefinitely be supported by 'aid' and 'relief and new capital 
brought in by immigrants and the general government. Sooner or later Kansas must assume 
responsibility for paying its own way. How long did Kansas operate on a deficit economy? 
Certainly until the later 1870's. . . ." Malin, "Notes on the Writing of General 
Histories," loc. cit., p. 338. 


ministers received amounts from $19.05 to $60.00. It is interesting 
to observe the feeling of distress on the part of these Kansas 
Methodists on account of their economic situation as indicated by 
the resolution at the same meeting that "we sympathize with all 
our hearts in the enterprise now being prosecuted for the evan- 
gelization of Ireland, and but for the peculiar circumstances that 
now embarrass our condition, would gladly evince our feelings by 
'material aid/ " 36 In addition to official action as above, there are 
many evidences from individual sources as to the economic plight 
of the missionary. The situation of the Rev. Charles Lovejoy was 
described in December, 1859, by his wife as follows: "Our Con- 
ference year closes the 15th of next March, and we have received 
this year, as yet, but one dollar and seventy cents from our people, 
in cash, and only five dollars in every other article, and have no 
prospect of receiving five dollars more for the year, our people are 
so poor we have $100 missionary appropriation. . . ." 37 

The New England Emigrant Aid Company recognized the re- 
sponsibility of providing financial assistance for the establishment of 
churches. In the "Circular of^the Committee of Clergymen," July 2, 
1855, designed "to have all the 'clergymen of New England' made 
life members of the New England Emigrant Aid Company," Ar- 
ticle 2 declared the position of the company as follows: 

The officers of this Company have understood that, to make a free State, 
they needed, first of all, the Gospel. Every missionary sent there by different 
boards has received their active assistance. Divine service is regularly main- 
tained in the towns where the company has influence, and, we believe, no- 
where else. Every Sabbath school in the Territory has been formed with the 
assistance of the Company, or its officers. Every church organized has been 
organized with their cooperation. 38 

The financial support was largely on a personal rather than on a 
company basis. In 1855 and 1856 money was solicited in New 
England for building a Congregational church in Lawrence, with 
Amos A. Lawrence contributing $1,000 personally. In 1855 the 
Unitarian church was organized in Lawrence under the leadership 
of Charles Robinson. In 1857 when the Episcopal church was 
built at Lawrence, the lot was donated by the New England Emi- 
grant Aid Company; Lawrence made a contribution. Dr. Webb's 

36. Minutes of the First Session of the Kansas 6- Nebraska Annual Conference of the 
Methodist Episcopal Church, 1856 (Omaha City, N. T.), p. 4. 

37. "Letters of Julia Louisa Lovejoy," The Kansas Historical Quarterly, v. 16 (Febru- 
ary, 1948), p. 75. 

38. "Letters of New England Clergymen," The Kansas Historical Collections, v. 1-2 
(1875-1878), p. 194; William Warren Sweet, "Some Religious Aspects of the Kansas 
Struggle," Journal of Religion, Chicago, v. 7 (October, 1927), p. 586. 


pamphlet of May, 1857, "Information for Kansas Emigrants," in- 
cluded an appeal for funds to assist various denominations in Law- 
rence. The company, through S. C. Pomeroy, pledged modest 
support to the Methodist church at Manhattan. 39 

The precarious economic situation was further accentuated by 
the great drought of 1860 and the impact of the Civil War. The 
nature of this combined situation was described by an individual 
identified only as "E. F." writing from Geneva, Allen county, in 
December, 1861: 

The famine of last year was a heavy blow to Kansas. Those who look 
upon this calamity only in the light of the destitution which was experienced 
have a very inadequate conception of its extent and severity. An instantaneous 
and entire check of immigration to a new country remote from any market is 
always a serious pecuniary disaster. But in the case of Kansas, not only has 
immigration been wholly cut off thus annihilating the only market on which 
the people could depend but many of the settlers becoming discouraged, 
tempted those who remained to part with what money was left, by offering 
their effects at half-price in order to procure the means of bearing their ex- 
penses to a land of plenty. But the famine with all its effects direct and in- 
direct was a calamity which bears but a feeble comparison to that occasioned 
by the alarms and demands of the war. SI . . Hence the difficulty which 
churches experience in doing anything in the way of raising money for the 
support of the gospel here. 40 

The economic situation was a frequent theme of observers in 
Kansas. The Rev. R. D. Parker at Leavenworth emphasized in 
August, 1861, that "the interruption of Rail Road Travel and river 
navigation through Missouri and the uncertainty resting on every 
enterprise the material prosperity is at a lower ebb than ever." 41 
The Rev. Richard Cordley reported from Lawrence in July, 1861, 
that "'Hard Times' is in everybody's mouth. Business dull and 
growing duller." 42 A writer in The Congregational Record, in an 
article entitled "The Famine," described the serious consequences 
of the hard times for churches and church members. He urged 
his readers to contact friends and organization in the East for funds 
and especially for seed so that crops could be planted in the new 
season. 43 The officials of the Plymouth Congregational church in 
Lawrence described the situation in detail in December, 1861. It 
was pointed out that the Methodists in Lawrence were raising 

39. Samuel A. Johnson, The Battle Cry of Freedom; The New England Emigrant Aid 
Company in the Kansas Crusade (Lawrence, 1954), pp. 87, 88, 249. 

40. E. F. to the A. H. M. S., Geneva, Allen county, December 2, 1861. A description 
of conditions in 1860 is found in George W. Click, "The Drought of 1860," The Kansas 
Historical Collections, v. 9 (1905-1906), pp. 480-485. 

41. Rev. R. D. Parker to the A. H. M. S., Wyandotte, August 13, 1861. 

42. Rev. Richard Cordley to the A. H. M. S., Lawrence, July 9, 1861. 

43. The Congregational Record, Lawrence, v. 3 (January, 1861), pp. 10-12. 


less than $100 per year for the work of the Gospel. The Presby- 
terians and Baptists had been unable to support a minister and 
had abandoned the field. The Unitarian minister was farming 
and also received support from the American Christian Associa- 
tion; he received nothing from his congregation. The Episcopalian 
minister had independent sources of income. 44 The Rev. J. D. Lig- 
gett at Leavenworth reported in July, 1861, that he had received 
no funds from his church or from the American Home Missionary 
Society. He had been boarding himself. "I am entirely out of 
money and it is a thing that has almost disappeared from this com- 
munity." 43 

The economic stress was severe throughout Kansas. The 
churches shared in the consequences. However, at least one ob- 
server, the Rev. S. M. Irvin at Highland, in appealing for help to 
the Presbyterian Home and Foreign Missionary Board placed events 
in the perspective of a judgment upon the people: 

We ask help, seeing that it has pleased God to lay his hand upon us this 
year, and withhold the crops. We are in affliction and we deserve it. We 
have sinned greatly in Kansas. Innocent blood has been shed, for which there 
has been no thought of humiliation or repentance. A rage of mammon and 
speculation has intoxicated our people, and we need chastisement and now, 
while under the stroke, though, in one sense, we do not deserve it, we venture 
to cry out to our friends whom God has favored with abundance, that they 
may help us in this our time of need. 46 

While many factors created a pattern which made church work 
difficult, the most decisive element was the conflict preceding and 
during the Civil War. The political designs for the future of Kansas 
produced vast implications for all other aspects of life. Rumors 
of violence and actual violence destroyed the stability which was 
necessary for effective community living. Contemporary observers 
were unanimous at this point. 

The Rev. S. Y. Lum at Lawrence expressed many times the deep 
anxiety occasioned by the conflict. He described the situation 
in March, 1856, in a letter to Milton Badger of the American Home 
Missionary Society: 

All has for a great part of the time been wild excitement. Our place of 
worship has been taken for soldiers barracks, & our meetings when we could 
have any, were held in little private rooms, where but very few could be as- 
sembled. ... A few of the brethren & sisters have been drawn nearer 
to God, & have felt their entire & absolute dependence upon him in every 

44. Plymouth Congregational church to the A. H. M. S., Lawrence, December 4, 1861. 

45. Rev. J. D. Liggett to the A. H. M. S., Leavenworth, July 29, 1861. 

46. The Home and Foreign Record, v. 11 (1860), p. 363. 


trial, but the great majority even of the church have been influenced in a 
contrary direction. Excitement seemed to dissipate serious reflection, & the 
mind lost its delight in the worship & service of God. 47 

Lum emphasized his concern four days later in another letter to 
Badger in which he stated that "those who have not seen, cannot 
feel as we do, what an awful influence the wild excitements of the 
past year have had on the morals & virtue of this community. All 
the efforts of the Missionary are far more than overbalanced by 
the agencies for evil & the character of the place, as a whole, has 
been sinking instead of rising. 48 

In December, 1856, Lum again described the consequences of the 
course of events: "Never in the history of this country, has a Ter- 
ritory been settled in the midst of so many influences calculated to 
counteract the spread of the truth, & to foster the growth of sin; 
& unless the tendency of these influences be arrested, we have no 
reason to expect that they will fail to work out their legitimate 
results." 49 Lum found also that events conspired to encroach upon 
the Sabbath as reported in The Home Missionary: "It has seemed 
as though the Sabbath was selected as the day for special excite- 
ments; and not infrequently have the members of my congrega- 
tion and even members of my church, been called from the 
morning service to go to the rescue of their brethren, attacked by 
the banditti who surround us." 50 The course of the Civil War 
further strengthened the trend described by Lum. In October, 
1861, The Congregational Record carried a leading article entitled 
"The War and the Sabbath," which drew the conclusion that 
"among the ill effects of the present war, the desecration of the 
Sabbath stands prominent." 51 

The spirit of the times was also portrayed by the Rev. F. P. Mont- 
fort, a Presbyterian, writing from Highland in October, 1856: 

The all-absorbing subject here is the same which engrosses the public 
mind and the public press in the States; and it is to be feared that the Gospel 
cannot have a "free course and run and be glorified" among us until this 
great question which now agitates our citizens shall be settled. When quiet 
prevails among us, there is no difficulty in securing congregations respectable 
in size, and attentive; but Christians and infidels alike can, in a moment, and 
often do give up their interest in the services, to hear reports brought in by 

47. Rev. S. Y. Lum to the A. H. M. S., Lawrence, March 10, 1856, in The Kansas His- 
torical Quarterly, v. 25 (Summer, 1959), p. 172. 

48. Lum to A. H. M. S., March 22, 1856, ibid., p. 174. 

49. Lum to A. H. M. S., December 24, 1856, ibid., p. 179. 

50. Rev. S. Y. Lum in The Home Missionary, v. 29 (1856), p. 95, quoted in Colin 
Brummitt Goodykoontz, Home Missions on the American Frontier (Caldwell, Idaho, 1939), 
p. 297. 

51. The Congregational Record, Lawrence, v. 3 (October, 1861), pp. 63-65. 


the agents of partisans, and the minister must lose half of his hearers and 
the attention of all. The remainder of God's sacred day is then spent at the 
hotels and street corners, in canvassing the report, or throughout the com- 
munity in preparing for war. Under such circumstances the minister feels 
that but little can be accomplished for Christ and the only encouragement for 
continuing his labors is the hope of some change for the better in political 
affairs; and he remains at his post that he may be in readiness to win souls, 
when men, weary of strife and scenes of blood, shall be ready to reflect on the 
more serious interests of the soul and eternity. 52 

While there were many disruptions and problems, the Rev. 
Lewis Bodwell, writing from Topeka, in October, 1856, placed them 
in a philosophical perspective: "The minister can scarcely do 
more than keep people reminded of duty, though we must give 
thanks for the grace which keeps alive and glowing the flame of 
love in the heart of many Christians. Already I have had the 
privilege of visiting, praying, eating, sleeping in the unchinked, 
unplastered cabin of the Christian, where at his bedside, beside 
his Bible, stood his musket, loaded and primed ready within reach 
for instant service/' 53 

The consequences of the unsettled conditions were not confined 
to any year. The Rev. S. D. Storrs, writing from Quindaro in 
February, 1858, described the effect across the years: "The camp, 
the battlefield & such scenes as have been witnessed at the polls 
have been anything but favorable to religion. Scarcely a month 
has passed since the first settlers arrived, after the passage of the 
'Nebraska Act/ without something occurring to excite them & not 
infrequently arouse the worst passions of the heart/' 54 

When Kansas was admitted as a state on January 29, 1861, some 
observers felt that the future for the church would be brighter in 
Kansas. The Rev. M. J. Miller, a minister of the Evangelical church 
in Leavenworth, reported that the cannon had been fired when 
the news arrived of the admission of Kansas into the Union. He 
wrote: "Thank God for the hard-fought and long-sought-for ad- 
mission. Kansas now looks for a better state of things, both in the 
political and moral condition of the country. Many political devils 
are now being put away. I believe religion will soon prosper 
more readily than ever before in Kansas." 55 The Rev. Charles 
Blood wrote from Manhattan about his keen anticipation of the 

52. The Home and Foreign Record, pp. 355, 356. 

53. Rev. Lewis Bodwell to the A. H. M. S., Topeka, October 21, 1856. 

54. Rev. S. D. Storrs to the A. H. M. S., Quindaro, February 9, 1858, quoted in Goody- 
koontz, op. cit., p. 297. 

55. Rev. M. J. Miller in the Evangelical Messenger, March 7, 1861, quoted in Platz, op. 
cit., pp. 31, 32. 


course of events to the Amercan Home Missionary Society on Feb- 
ruary 1, 1861. He pointed out that "for more than six years we 
have been uncertain what would finally be our fate, but now all is 
certain and fixed so far as relates to freedom. We have a free con- 
stitution, and neither Congress nor the president nor all the States 
combined can interpret to alter the result." 56 The Rev. R. D. 
Parker at Wyandotte was not so optimistic. On February 6, 1861, 
he believed that "although public confidence is at the lowest ebb 
and business at a standstill yet some little courage is given by our 
admission as a state." 57 

The outbreak of the Civil War intensified the feeling of un- 
certainty about the future. The Rev. R. D. Parker writing from 
Wyandotte on May 6, 1861, indicated that there was still peace 
along the border, "but the fire smoulders that may at any moment 
'wheel' us all into ruin." He could see from his home the secession- 
ist flag floating in the breeze at near-by Kansas City. The excite- 
ment was intense. He was concerned about how it would all end, 
"but we pray it may not be until the slave power is crippled and 
subdued. Such a result would repay even a baptism of blood." 58 
The Rev. Richard Cordley shared the same concern as Parker. 
Writing from Lawrence in July, 1861, he pointed out that his Con- 
gregational church was no stronger than it had been two years 
before. He felt "mortified" to recall that in spite of the auspicious 
beginnings of Congregationalism in Kansas, there was after seven 
years not a single self-supporting church in Kansas. "Hard times 
and the war absorbs all attention." 59 

The Rev. J. D. Liggett described in detail the impact of the war 
in his letter to Milton Badger from Leavenworth in July, 1861: 

Men's minds are wholly engrossed with the war, its news and its pros- 
pects. . . . Kansas will take care of herself with the help of the gov- 
ernment, but it will convert us all into military men. Much of the old feeling 
of recklessness, created by the past difficulties has been revived. Our people 
here will fight, but the prayers they say when they go at it, are worthy 
of the left-handed sort. The wickedness and the malice of the men who 
have brought these evils upon us and upon themselves, it seems to me, is 
without a parallel in the history of nations and when and what the end is to be, 
God only knows. 60 

Liggett went on in this letter to report that only nine members had 
been added to his church during the past year. At times, as he 

56. Rev. Charles Blood to the A. H. M. S., Manhattan, February 1, 1861. 

57. Rev. R. D. Parker to the A. H. M. S., Wyandotte, February 6, 1861. 

58. Ibid., May 6, 1861. 

59. Rev. Richard Cordley to the A. H. M. S., Lawrence, July 9, 1861. 

60. Rev. J. D. Liggett to the A. H. M. S., Leavenworth, July 29, 1861. 


contemplated it, he felt as if he would "almost sink down in de- 
spair." However, as he thought about it, he recalled that "Paul 
may plant and Apollos water but the increase was of God." He 
was certain that "nothing indeed but a pentecostal effusion can or 
will move or mould the elements here congregated into materials 
fit for God's building. He concluded with the prayer "May God 
pour floods upon this dry ground." 61 However, in August the 
Rev. R. D. Parker was more encouraged than Liggett when he 
wrote to Badger from Wyandotte "but notwithstanding the war 
news seems to absorb every other interest, I am gratified to be able 
to report a congregation undiminished, a Sabbath School increas- 
ing in interest and efficiency, and a system of home evangelization 
in operation, systematic tract distribution is in progress and we look 
and pray for the blessings of God." 62 

The year 1861 saw the full impact of the war upon Kansas par- 
ticipants. The Rev. Richard Cordley described the situation in 
the late summer: "The war absorbs every interest now. Since the 
battle of Springfield our place has had the aspect of a funeral. 
The two Kansas regiments were terribly cut up and many of our 
friends from this place have fallen. The anxious suspense between 
the news of the battle, and the report of the slain was terrible." ^ 
The Rev. H. P. Robinson at Grasshopper Falls chronicled also the 
effects of the war. A large number of the men in his community 
were now "off to the wars." The course of events had created a 
situation in which "the present distracted condition of the country 
has so disarranged society that God, religion, eternity seem almost 
left out of view. . . . Apathy in regard to religion has taken 
possession both of the church and community. Many professedly 
religious people have almost entirely abandoned church going 
while multitudes of the worldly hardly darken the portals of the 
sanctuary." 64 

The missionaries and their families were closely identified with 

61. Ibid., July 29, 1861. The reference to Paul and Apollos is the scriptural verse 
found in I Corinthians 3:6. 

62. Rev. R. D. Parker to the A. H. M. S., Wyandotte, August 13, 1861. 

63. Rev. Richard Cordley to the A. H. M. S., Lawrence, August 26, 1861. The First 
and Second regiments of Kansas volunteers suffered very heavy casualties in the battle near 
Springfield, Mo., on August 10, 1861. Maj. John A. Halderman, commanding the First 
regiment of Kansas volunteers, reported that "with about 800 men we marched upon the 
field; we left it but with 500." The War of the Rebellion: Official Records of the Union 
and Confederate Armies (Washington, 1881), Ser. I, v. 3, p. 83. The official report listed 
the following casualties: First Kansas, 77 killed, 187 wounded, 20 missing, for a total of 
284; Second Kansas, 5 killed, 59 wounded, 6 missing, for a total of 70. Ibid., p. 72. 

64. Rev. H. P. Robinson to the A. H. M. S., Grasshopper Falls, October 16, 1861. The 
Rev. Richard Cordley, Lawrence, was not as pessimistic as Robinson. In the letter quoted 
under date of August 26, 1861, he wrote "considering all things our Sunday congre- 
gations have continued good better than last year at this time." 


the people in their churches and communities and with the course 
of events. The geographic factor was decisive since the greatest 
hardships were concentrated among the people in the eastern sec- 
tion of the state. The Rev. R. D. Parker at Wyandotte was in the 
midst of these stirring and tragic events. On November 2, 1863, 
he gave a graphic description of the general situation and his own 
intimate role: 

My sixth year of labor as your missionary in Kansas has closed. Like the 
two preceding years, it has been attended with alarm and danger. QuantriU's 
bloody band has been prowling like beasts of prey along the Border. We 
have often seen the fires of Union homes kindled by them. Like my neighbors, 
I have slept with arms by my side, and beneath my pillows, and have taken 
my turn in standing guard nights. I have been repeatedly called out to de- 
fend the town from threatened attacks, sometimes at the midnight hour. 
Once the danger signal of the Union League struck upon my church bell, 
and the terror of the people, especially of the blacks, brought vividly to mind 
the massacre at Lawrence. Like most of our people, we have kept a few 
articles of indispensible wearing apparel packed ready for a hasty flight, and 
in my absence, my sermons, as combustible, and of chief value, have slept 
out of doors. 65 

The most damaging effect of the Civil War in Kansas was 
Quantrill's raid on Lawrence on August 21, 1863, when the town 
was almost completely destroyed and more than 100 people were 
killed. The ministers were called upon to serve in the deep tragedy 
of that hour. The Rev. Lewis Bodwell came from Topeka in order 
to assist his friend the Rev. Richard Cordley, at the burial service 
of 52 persons whose bodies were placed side by side in a trench. 66 
The Rev. Grosevenor C. Morse hastened to Lawrence from Em- 
poria to assist Cordley. In the tragic setting of the time and place 
he used the 79th Psalm for his Scripture lesson: "O God, the 
heathen are come into thine inheritance. The dead bodies of thy 
servants have they given to be meat unto the fowls of heaven, 
the flesh of thy saints unto the beasts of the earth. Their blood 
have they shed like water round about Jerusalem and there was 
none to bury them." 67 

65. Rev. R. D. Parker to the A. H. M. S., Wyandotte, November 2, 1863. Prof. C. B. 
Goodykoontz's statement that "the remarkable thing about the effect of the Civil War on 
the home missionary movement is not that it interfered with it, but that it interfered with 
it to so slight an extent" is not applicable to Kansas. Goodykoontz, op. cit., p. 303. The 
geographic position of Kansas, its isolation from the North and East, and the activity of 
raider bands from Missouri were contributing factors to this situation. The reference to 
developments in Lawrence is to the tragic raid by Quantrill and his men on August 21, 
1863. A full description of the raid is found in Richard Cordley, A History of Lawrence, 
Kansas; From the First Settlement to the Close of the Rebellion (Lawrence, 1895), pp. 

66. Cordley, Pioneer Days in Kansas, p. 220. Cordley lists the names of 126 individuals 
who were killed in QuantriU's raid. 

67. Ibid., p. 221. 


When Bodwell visited Cordley at Lawrence on September 4, 
he witnessed the full implications of the tragedy on all sides. He 
found Cordley at work in a small attic room from whence he saw 
the smouldering ruins of Cordley's house, library, and furnishings. 
Cordley was preparing his first sermon following QuantruTs raid. 
His library consisted of a pocket Bible and a small Bible con- 
cordance, both borrowed items, which Bodwell estimated to be 
worth $1.60. Cordley had written the subject for his sermon, "The 
Morning Cometh/' across the top of the first page. Then Bodwell 
continued: "In its light he saw the ruins; across its sunshine drifted 
the smoke; on its breezes whirled the ashes; but God who had 
been there in the darkness, had not left at dawn/' 68 When Cord- 
ley preached to his congregation on the second Sunday following 
the raid he used as his text a passage from Isaiah 54: "For a small 
moment have I forsaken thee; but with great mercies will I gather 
thee. In a little wrath I hid my face from thee for a moment; but 
with everlasting kindness will I have mercy on thee/' 69 

In February, 1864, in a detailed letter to the American Home 
Missionary Society, Cordley assessed the implications of Quan- 
trill's raid: 

Our church here was weakened more than appeared on the surface. . . . 
Twelve members of the congregation were killed, but more than fifty have 
left from the same cause. Broken families have left us, and men broken up 
in their business have left us. ... I neither carried or owned any arms 
before, but now I keep a Colt's Navy on my study table and thirty rounds 
of cartridges in the drawer with my sermon paper. 

Still, Lawrence is rapidly recovering and the church is feeling the effect 
of the general growth. The Sabbath School and congregation are again filling 
up and things are beginning to assume the former look of prosperity. The 
town is being rapidly rebuilt. When a few days after the raid, I said, "Law- 
rence will be rebuilt in two years," many thought me wild. But six months 
have scarcely passed and as many buildings have been erected or moved 
into town as Quantrill burned. 70 

68. Rev. Lewis Bodwell, "A Kansas Attic in 1863," The Kansas Telephone, Manhattan, 
v. 1 (April, 1881), p. 1. 

69. Cordley, Pioneer Days in Kansas, pp. 233, 234. Other ministers and their families 
suffered great losses from Quantrill's raid. The home and possessions of the Rev. H. D. 
Fisher were seriously damaged, but Fisher had a miraculous escape due to the imaginative 
deception of the invaders by his wife. Fisher, op. cit., pp. 195-210. The raiders burned 
Jacob Ulrich's house south of Lawrence in the Dunkard settlement and seriously wounded 
Elder Rothrock. Elmer LeRoy Craik, A History of the Church of the Brethren in Kansas 
(McPherson, 1922), p. 24. 

70. Rev. Richard Cordley to the A. H. M. S., Lawrence, February 29, 1864. 

(To Be Concluded in the Winter, 1959, Issue.) 

U. S. Army and Air Force Wings 
Over Kansas Concluded 


IN January 1941 the Independence Chamber of Commerce under 
the leadership of C. M. Carman, president, and R. A. McKeen, 
secretary, resolved to sell the citizens of the Kansas community the 
idea of a municipal airport. On 26 June 1941, after six months of 
effective "selling" by Carman, McKeen, and other civic leaders, the 
city commission decided to ask the voters to approve a $100,000 
bond issue for financing work on the airport. The citizens approved 
by a vote of 1,219 to 173 on 1 August 1941. A short time later the 
city commission entered into contract with Paulette and White, con- 
sulting engineers from Topeka, to survey potential sites for the 
field. Several locations were considered before any selection was 
made. The site chosen was in Montgomery county, six miles south- 
west of Independence. 

Early in 1942 the government indicated it was interested in 
acquiring the site for an Army airfield. During April and May 
Mayor F. B. Wilhelm of Independence, Pres. J. D. Turner of the 
Chamber of Commerce, and other civic leaders met with govern- 
ment officials in a series of conferences. Army Engineers made 
surveys from 8 to 11 April. About six weeks later, on 23 May 1942, 
the Army officially notified Mayor Wilhelm that it would purchase 
approximately 1,433 acres. 

The contract for planning and supervising the construction of 
the airfield was awarded to Black and Veatch, architectural engi- 
neers from Kansas City, Mo. Work began on 6 June 1942, when 
Ottinger Brothers of Oklahoma City moved in with a labor crew 
and began grading operations. Shortly thereafter, work began on 
the drainage and sewerage systems. During the summer the Mis- 
souri Pacific constructed a railroad spur to the site. In August 
work began on runways and buildings. During the fall of 1942 
clearing and grading operations began at four locations that had 
been selected for auxiliary fields. The four sites were located 8 to 
20 miles from the main field. Work progressed satisfactorily 
throughout the winter despite interruptions caused by heavy rains 
and sub-zero temperatures. By January of 1943 three concrete run- 



ways 5,000 feet in length had been constructed. Electric, gas and 
water lines also had been completed and sufficient troop housing 
was available. Most of the buildings were of temporary wartime 
design tarpaper over wood, with pot-bellied coal stoves for heat- 
ing. The major construction work, which cost more than $8,000,000, 
ended in May 1943. 

In the meantime, in June 1942, Lt. Col. (later Col.) Harold L. 
Mace, commander of the nearby Coffeyville Army Air Field was 
designated as project officer for the new airfield. He was accom- 
panied by Maj. Temple F. Winburn who acted as the airfield's 
temporary commander for one month pending arrival of Lt. Col. 
Richard M. Montgomery (later Major General) to take command. 
Major Winburn then became Colonel Montgomery's executive of- 
ficer and was shortly thereafter promoted to Lieutenant Colonel. 
The base was activated as a Basic Flying School on 12 October 
1942, but the personnel to operate the base did not begin arriving 
until December 1942. 

Basic flying training began when 152 cadets arrived for the first 
class on 26 January 1943. Some of the classes that arrived later had 
as many as 345 students. The cadets, who had completed primary 
flying training, received a nine-week course that was divided into 
flying training and classroom instruction. In the flying training 
phase, the students practiced landings, made cross-country flights, 
and flew night navigational missions. During classroom instruction, 
the students familiarized themselves with aircraft instruments and 
studied navigation, radio communications, weather, and aircraft 

Basic flying training at Independence continued until January 
1945. Nineteen classes, totaling 4,933 students, graduated from the 
school. The last class completed training on 29 January 1945. 

The termination of flying training at Independence resulted in the 
reassignment of personnel and equipment. Flying personnel were 
reassigned to airfields in Kansas and Texas during February and 
March. The BT-13's and BT-14's were moved to airfields in Georgia, 
Oklahoma, and Missouri. On 15 March Independence Army Air 
Field was placed on a standby basis. On 11 April 1945, however, 
the Army announced that the airfield would be used to store World 
War II aircraft. During the next two months civilian employment 
on the field jumped from 44 to 505 and military personnel increased 
from 2 to 272. Aircraft began arriving on 13 April 1945. At first, 
bomber aircraft ( B-17's, B-24's, and B-25's ) were prepared for stor- 


age and kept at Independence. During October 1945, however, all 
B-24 and B-17 aircraft were moved to Kingman, Ariz. At the same 
time P-47's and AT-6's began arriving. During a period of two and 
a half years the aircraft stored at Independence included 1,542 
P-47's, 1,118 AT-6's, 72 B-25's, 401 B-24's, and 260 B-17's. 

In the fall of 1947 all aircraft were moved from Independence. 
Military personnel were transferred effective 11 December 1947. 
Four days later Independence Army Air Field, which had been 
listed as surplus, was turned over to the Army's District Engineer, 
Omaha, Neb. Since then the installation has been operated by the 
city of Independence as its municipal airport. 


r I A HE first tangible move to implement the decision to locate a 
-I- four-engine pilot school on a site selected one mile west of 
Liberal was the grant of a contract to Murray A. Wilson and Com- 
pany, engineers, to make a complete survey and layout for the air- 
field. By 16 January 1943 the survey had been completed. But 
even before the survey had been officially finished, contracts were 
let on 9 January, with Peter Kiewit Sons named as prime con- 
tractor. Just nine days later construction began on the site. 

The new field was situated in western Kansas, 120 miles from 
Amarillo, Tex., in Sections 1, 6, 25, 30, 31, and 36, Townships 34 
and 35 South, and Ranges 33 and 34 West, with a dimension of 
two miles north and south and two miles east and west. The entire 
field, some 1,946.7 acres, was purchased by the government. In 
addition, 3.3 acres on the north extremity of the north-south run- 
way were leased to provide zone clearance space. The field 
formed part of a flat, low plateau. 

Facilities on Liberal Army Air Field were to run to approxi- 
mately $8,000,000. Three concrete runways were built, each 7,000 
feet in length and 150 feet wide, with a gross load capacity of 
37,000 pounds. Portable B-2 type runway lights were installed. 
In addition, a concrete parking apron of some 276,318 square yards 
was constructed, along with three concrete taxiways 100 feet in 
width. Training facilities included three school buildings and four 
Link trainer buildings. Five hangers were built, two of steel and 
three of wood. Three large warehouses and storage facilities for 
591,000 gallons of gasoline were built. Construction coming under 
the general category of recreation and welfare included a gym- 


Boeing B-29 gunners receive operating instructions for the new electric gun 
turrets at Smoky Hill Army Air Field, Salina. 

Free French fliers receive B-26 instruction at the Dodge City Army Air Field. 

Upper: Vultee BT-13 taking off from an unidentified air force field in Kansas. 
Cenfer: Training planes on ramp, at an unidentified air force field in Kansas. 
Lower: Night refueling of Douglas C-54 "Skymaster" at Topeka Army Air Field, 

October 13, 1945. 

Photos on this and preceding page courtesy United States Air Force. 


nasium, officers' club, service club, theater, chapel, and three post 
exchanges. A spur line of the Rock Island railroad was run on to 
the field from the main line. Housing facilities for 4,934 officers 
and men and a hospital with a normal bed capacity of 142 were 
constructed. All buildings were of mobilization type construction. 

In addition to the main installation, Gage Auxiliary Field, a 
former municipal airport, was acquired by lease. This field, some 
81 miles from Liberal Army Air Field, comprised 780 acres, pro- 
viding two hard surfaced runways, each of which was 5,500 feet in 
length and 150 feet wide. 

One officer, Capt. Glen C. Wilson, serving as project officer, was 
present on the field from the beginning of construction. In April 
1943, before completion of construction, additional officers and 
men of the original cadre reported. Col. Arthur L. Bump arrived 
on the post on 27 April 1943 and assumed command. Additional 
personnel arrived during subsequent weeks. In the midst of con- 
struction, personnel acquisition moved into an intensified phase 
during April and May, so that the base was actively manned by 
the time the first B-24's to be used in training set down on the 
brand new runways on 20 June. That scheduling was extremely 
close during those hectic days can be seen in that only ten days 
later, on 1 July, the members of the first class were introduced to 
the Liberators. This is the official date of the inauguration of train- 
ing at Liberal, barely six months after construction began. 

Students were predominantly newly-commissioned officers grad- 
uated from advanced twin-engine flying schools. The training 
cycle was nine weeks in length. Half way through the cycle of the 
first class, another class began the course, so that, afterward, a class 
graduated every four and a half weeks. By 8 December 1943 Col. 
R. C. Rockwood, operations and training officer, was able to tell a 
group of civilian employees that "we are now training approxi- 
mately one-fourth of the Liberator bomber commanders trained 
in the continental United States/' The pace of training is well il- 
lustrated in that it was not until 7 October 1943 that time was 
found for a formal dedication. 

Initially and for a considerable time the commanding officer of 
the field was in charge of the several squadrons and detachments 
which performed the various functions requisite to the functioning 
of the school. The commanding officer was, of course, responsible 
both for training and for the maintenance of the base services. On 
1 May 1944 all the separate units on the field were disbanded ex- 



cept for the 744th AAF Band, the Airways Communications Squad- 
ron, and the Base Weather Section. In place of the disbanded 
organizations the several sections of the 2525th Base Unit were 
created, distinguished by the nature of the service performed: 

Unit Headquarters. 

Section "A" administration and services. 
Section "B" training and operations. 
Section "C" supply and maintenance. 
Section "E" medical. 
Section "F" Negro personnel. 
Section "H" officer students. 

In February 1945 these sections were redesignated squadrons, 
which remained in existence until inactivation of the field. 

After victory in Europe the training program of Liberal Army 
Air Field became somewhat erratic because of the frequent changes 
of policy in the Training Command. However, with the surrender 
of the Japanese in August, the mission of the school was definitely 
over. On 7 September 1945 the commanding officer received offi- 
cial orders for inactivation of the field on or before 30 September. 
The field was placed at that time on a standby status, which meant 
maintaining it in such condition as would make possible reactiva- 
tion within thirty days. Consequently, the field's activities for the 
greater part of September were largely concerned with the process 
of inactivation. Considering the magnitude and complexity of the 
task, the inactivation process proceeded with a minimum of diffi- 
culties. Possibly the greatest problem was a scarcity of experienced 
personnel. On 19 September the officer students slated to complete 
training at Hondo Army Air Field were ordered to proceed there. 
All remaining personnel, except officers and enlisted men scheduled 
to form the standby cadre, were put on movement orders on 29 
September. Although the majority of departments were still 
functioning on 1 October, they were prepared to close down within 
a few days. 

Liberal Army Air Field was fortunate in the relative stability of 
its commanders. During its entire active period the field had only 
four commanding officers: Col. Arthur L. Bump from 27 April 1942 
to 1 April 1944, Col. Edward H. UnderhiU from 1 April 1944 to 18 
July 1945, Col. Charles Sommers from 18 July 1945 to 18 Septem- 
ber 1945, and Col. Ford V. Lauer from 18 September 1945 to 30 
September 1945. 

Those who had served at Liberal Army Air Field, both military 
and civilian, might well have been proud of the genuine contribu- 


tion made by the school to the war effort. During its 27 months of 
actual training, Liberal Army Air Field graduated 4,468 four-engine 
airplane commanders. In addition, 1,025 pilots were graduated 
from the pre-transition course conducted for a period in the middle 
of 1944. By any standards this was an impressive achievement to 
come from a place which, as late as the first part of January 1943, 
was an open prairie. 


McCONNELL Air Force Base, in Wichita, was known during 
the first part of its existence as the Wichita Municipal Airport. 
Although the field was designed originally to serve only municipal 
needs, it had an Air Force connection almost from the beginning. 

On 1 March 1942, the AAF Materiel Center, Midwestern Procure- 
ment District (Materiel Command) was established. As soon as 
construction permitted, the headquarters of the district was es- 
tablished in the administration building of the municipal airport. 
By the end of 1942, due to the growth and expansion of the organiza- 
tion it occupied practically the entire building save for a few offices 
occupied by the CAA and airline companies, while some activities 
of the district were housed at the Boeing Airplane Company Plant 
No. 1, in Wichita. 

The airport, at that time, was located about six miles from the 
city of Wichita and comprised some 1,337 acres, leased by the gov- 
ernment from the city. Although the runways were adequate, other 
facilities at the airport were meager. There were five runways 
each 150 feet wide; two were 7,500 feet, one 7,100 feet, one 6,000 
feet, and one 4,500 feet in length. All had a wheel load capacity of 
60,000 pounds. A parking apron with dimensions of 8,373 by 931 
feet, and seven taxi strips were provided. The field could boast of 
only one hangar and three small warehouses. No facilities were 
available either for troop housing or troop messing. No fuel storage 
facilities existed, and all such supplies were handled by commercial 

The Midwestern Procurement District was not disturbed at the 
time of the discontinuance of the Air Materiel Command and the 
Air Service Command and the creation of the Air Technical Service 
Command in 1944. However, on 1 August 1945 the Midwestern Pro- 
curement District was absorbed by the Western Procurement Dis- 
trict, Air Technical Service Command. A few weeks later, on 8 
September 1945, Wichita Municipal Airport was transferred from 


the jurisdiction of Western District, Air Technical Service Com- 
mand, to that of the Oklahoma City Air Technical Service Com- 
mand. Personnel formerly assigned to the airport by the ATSC 
were transferred to the new command. At the same time, the 4156th 
AAF Base Unit (Air Base) was organized. The new base unit had 
the mission of servicing, dispatching, and maintaining transient and 
locally based aircraft. The working personnel were entirely civilian, 
with a few officers in supervisory capacities. 

Slightly over a year later, on 11 October 1946, the 4156th AAF 
Base Unit was ordered to cease operations by the 30th of the 
month. Consequently, the remainder of October was spent in clos- 
ing down operations and transferring property to Tinker Field. 
On 15 November the field was officially transferred to the Division 
Engineer, Kansas City, while the 4156th AAF Base Unit was dis- 
continued on the same day. All military personnel were absorbed 
by Headquarters, Oklahoma Air Materiel Area (the successor of 
the Oklahoma City Air Technical Service Command). 

There followed several years of inactivity, at least insofar as the 
Air Force was concerned. Then on 5 June 1951 the Air Force acti- 
vated Wichita Municipal Airport to serve as a training center for 
combat crews for the B-47 jet bomber, which was being produced 
at Wichita. To carry on the training the 3520th Combat Crew 
Training Wing was activated, and an ambitious building program 
totaling some $22,000,000 was begun. In spite of the difficulty of 
building an installation and initiating an entirely new program 
simultaneously, the base developed into a highly specialized train- 
ing center. Actually, there were two principal parts to the mission 
of the training center: aircrew training in B-47's and transition 
training in the same aircraft. A subsequent fluctuation of em- 
phasis from one of those functions to the other reflected the varying 
demands of the Strategic Air Command. A more inclusive func- 
tional title was given the wing in June 1952 when it was redesig- 
nated the 3520th Flying Training Wing (M Bomb). 

Up to 1 April 1952 the activity at Wichita Municipal Airport was 
under the jurisdiction of the Flying Training Air Force. On that 
date it was transferred to the Crew Training Air Force, still remain- 
ing, however, in the Air Training Command. 

The Air Force was not the sole occupant during this period. In 
1952 Wing Headquarters shared the Wichita Municipal Airport 
Terminal Building with four commercial airlines, Braniff, Central, 
TWA, and Continental, plus one private flying service: Executive 


Airways. These lines were located in the terminal building at the 
time of government occupation, and were permitted to operate on 
a temporary basis pending completion of the proposed new munici- 
pal airport. By 1952 the Air Force had decided to make a perma- 
nent base of the quondam municipal airport. The government took 
the property by federal court action during the first half of 1952, 
thus becoming owner and no longer lessee. Reflecting official 
government ownership, Wichita Municipal Airport was redesig- 
nated the Wichita Air Force Base on 15 May 1953. 

Some 11 months later, on 12 April 1954, still another redesigna- 
tion occurred, this time as McConnell Air Force Base. The change 
was effected to honor the memory of two brothers, former residents 
of Wichita, Thomas L. and Fred McConnell, Jr. A third brother, 
still living, is Edwin M. McConnell. The three McConnell broth- 
ers had almost identical service careers in the Air Force. From the 
time they enlisted, won their wings, and served as co-pilots on com- 
bat duty in the South Pacific, the McConnell trio stayed together 
and fought as a team. 

Proof of the vigor with which the training center pursued its 
training function is seen in that the 1,000th B-47 crew graduated 
at McConnell Air Force Base on 21 April 1955. And at least as late 
as June 1957, the field was still charged with the same mission. 


ONE of the oldest military airfields in the United States, Marshall 
- Air Force Base at Fort Riley, made its first appearance in his- 
tory in November 1912 as the site of the first attempts in the United 
States to direct artillery fire from an airplane. Among the partici- 
pants was a young lieutenant, H. H. Arnold, who later became 
Commanding General of the United States Army Air Forces. Long 
afterward Arnold recalled the various methods tried for transmitting 
observations and instructions: a primitive radio, smoke signals, and 
even colored cards, weighted with iron nuts and dropped through a 

The airdrome from which Arnold made his flights was probably 
the polo field at Fort Riley. How and when the polo field turned 
into an air base is unknown, but it was used during World War I 
by both airplanes and balloons. The first regularly constituted air 
unit at Fort Riley was the 16th Observation Squadron, which was 
activated there on 7 December 1921. One of its first commanders 
was Maj. Clarence L. Tinker, who subsequently rose to be com- 


mander of Seventh Air Force in World War II and was reported 
missing in action on a combat mission during the Battle of Midway. 
Early in 1923 the name of the base was changed from Fort Riley 
Flying Field to Marshall Field in honor of Brig. Gen. Francis C. 
Marshall, assistant chief of cavalry, who had been killed in an air- 
plane crash in California on 7 December 1922. 

In March 1926 Arnold, then a major, returned as air base com- 
mander. He held the post for about two and a half years. When 
he arrived the only flying unit there was still the 16th Observation 
Squadron. Considerably below strength, it had about eight officers 
and four or five De Havilland observation planes ( DH-4's ) supple- 
mented by eight or ten Curtiss Jennies. Both these planes dated 
from World War I. A few more modern observation aircraft reached 
the base, beginning in 1926. The primary responsibility of the 
fliers at Marshall was to provide demonstrations and participate in 
training exercises for the Army Cavalry School at Fort Riley. At 
Arnold's initiative a regular air indoctrination course was set up 
for the cavalrymen. The 16th Observation Squadron also had to 
furnish aircraft to work with ground units all over the Seventh Corps 
Area, which stretched from Arkansas to North Dakota, and for such 
special assignments as flying President Coolidge's mail from North 
Platte to Rapid City while he was vacationing in the Black Hills in 

The air base did not change much in size or mission during the 
1930's. In March 1931 the 16th Observation Squadron was sub- 
divided into several flights, of which only Flight D was stationed 
at Marshall. However, it occasionally had company, because from 
1930 to 1933 the 35th Division Aviation, National Guard, St. Louis, 
Mo., was using the field as a training center for its summer encamp- 
ments. In June 1937 Flight D was absorbed into the 1st Observa- 
tion Squadron, which fulfilled the traditional responsibilities of fly- 
ing units at Marshall until 28 December 1941 when it moved to 
New Orleans for shipment to the Canal Zone. 

When the United States entered World War II Marshall possessed 
two hangars and three unsurfaced landing strips, the biggest strip 
being 3,700 feet long. These installations were about a mile south- 
east of Fort Riley proper and three and a half miles from Junction 
City. During the war the old strips had to be surfaced and length- 
ened to take increased traffic and heavier, faster planes. Two con- 
crete runways, each 4,500 feet long and 150 feet wide, six taxiways 
and 5,400 square yards of parking apron were laid down to meet the 
new needs. However, Marshall remained a relatively small base. 


A base detachment activated in January 1941 to operate the field 
was designated in January 1942 as the 305th Air Base Squadron 
( Reduced ) , but in June it was renamed the 305th Base Headquarters 
and Air Base Squadron ( Reduced ) . It was disbanded in the spring 
of 1944 and in June the 356th AAF Base Unit was activated to run 
the base. At the beginning of that year the work of housekeeping 
and administration was being done by nine officers and 80 enlisted 
men. Unit and base commander at the end of 1943 was Maj. Victor 
E. Nelson. He was succeeded on 15 August 1944 by Maj. Herman 
C. Brigham, who was followed on 13 December by Lt. Col. Jack C. 
Dale, a veteran fighter pilot with 194 missions to his credit. He left 
in the spring of 1946. During most of the next two and a half years 
Col. Eugene H. Snavely commanded the base. 

After the departure of the 1st Observation Squadron from Fort 
Riley, the 6th Observation Squadron (Special) was activated at 
Fort Sill, Oklahoma, on 7 February 1942 to take its place at the 
Cavalry School. The squadron moved to Marshall Field on 21 
April 1942 with 15 liaison planes. Its commander at that time was 
Capt. R. S. Wilson, who was followed on 13 June 1943 by Capt. 
Francis J. Beck. On 28 December 1943 Maj. Dale C. Jones took 
command and held it until 1 January 1945 when Maj. William Fore- 
hand, a fighter pilot back from duty in Europe, replaced him. In 
June 1943 the squadron was redesignated 6th Reconnaissance Squad- 
ron ( Special ) , and on 12 October of that year its name was changed 
to 2d Composite Squadron (Special). 

It well deserved the term "composite" for by that time it had ac- 
quired 15 P-39's and five B-25's as well as liaison planes and was 
flying all sorts of tactical air missions. Besides photographic work, 
observation, and artillery adjustment, its pilots flew air-ground sup- 
port demonstrations and simulated strafing, bombing and chemical 
warfare missions. They "destroyed enemy headquarters" with flour 
bombs, and sprayed troops with molasses residue in lieu of mustard 
gas. The commandant of the Cavalry School repeatedly com- 
mended the squadron for its "cooperation, enthusiasm and assist- 
ance" and wrote "This type of air-ground cooperation ... is 
a pleasure to receive." Members of a Colombian military mission 
said of one air-ground demonstration that it was "worth going to 
Fort Riley for that alone." Much work was done away from Fort 
Riley. Teams from Marshall were scheduled to provide the Ar- 
mored School and the Field Artillery School with six demonstra- 
tions apiece in 1944, and they answered many special requests for 
demonstrations and tests. On 1 August 1945 the airmen at Marshall 


put on a giant air show in which they displayed to 5,000 Kansan 
friends and neighbors the tactical skills they had acquired during 
the war. 

Several units besides the 2d Composite Squadron spent some time 
at Marshall during the war. The 72d Observation Group had its 
headquarters squadron there briefly in December 1941; the 5th Ob- 
servation Squadron was there from August 1942 till April 1943; and 
a Negro unit, the 1018th Guard Squadron trained at Marshall for 
a short time in 1945. Also, a detachment of the 161st Liaison Squad- 
ron with L-5 aircraft visited the base for exercises in November 
and December 1944. The ground forces at Riley in 1944 had 36 
aerial target planes which were serviced by the 356th Base Unit. 
Marshall was much used as a convenient stop on cross-country 
flights. Of some 1,400 landings and take-offs at the field in July 
1945, 614 were transients. Another and not inconsiderable activity 
was the flying in and out of distinguished visitors to Fort Riley. 
Among them were Gens. Ben Lear, Joseph W. Stilwell, and George 
S. Patton. 

On 7 November 1945 the 2d Composite Squadron was inactivated, 
its place being taken by Detachment "B" of the 69th Reconnaissance 
Group which inherited some of its personnel and equipment. About 
the same time the 72d and 167th Liaison Squadrons, equipped with 
75 L-5's arrived at the base for training. At the end of the year 
there were 106 aircraft at Marshall. However, this strength was 
soon whittled down as the postwar demobilization progressed. 
Early in 1946 the detachment of the 69th Group was withdrawn 
and the 72d Squadron was reduced to a two-man cadre, so that by 
late April only the 167th Squadron remained. On 3 October 1946 it 
was inactivated and the 163d Liaison Squadron was created to 
replace it. 

Late in 1946 the Cavalry School and the Cavalry Intelligence 
School at Fort Riley were inactivated and the Ground General 
School was established there. The principal mission of the 163d 
Squadron continued to be the giving of air support to the new 
school as to the old, but it confined its efforts mainly to visual recon- 
naissance. At first it used only L-5's, but in the spring of 1947 it 
acquired six helicopters, the novelty of which aroused much interest 
in subsequent demonstrations. That spring the squadron was also 
given control of detachments at Biggs Air Force Base, Alamogordo, 
and Camp Beale. These detachments, with a half-dozen liaison 
planes, were working with the rocket development center at White 


Sands. The Air Force decision in 1948 to eliminate all enlisted 
pilots by the end of the year caused a drastic shake-up at Marshall. 
Though they were almost extinct in most flying units, the 163d had 
had 25 of them and only nine commissioned pilots in 1947. 

Undoubtedly the most dramatic episode of the postwar period at 
Marshall came early in 1949 when the base contributed its facilities, 
planes, and helicopters to "Operation Haylift," bringing relief to 
snowbound areas in several Western states. Another memorable 
event was the emergency landing on 6 August 1948 of a B-29 which 
had made a record-breaking 5,120-mile non-stop flight from Fursten- 
feldbruck, Germany, with Capt. Walter E. Abbott as pilot. 

On 1 April 1949 the 163d Liaison Squadron was inactivated. 
Light aviation detachments of the Ground General School and the 
10th Infantry Division took over most of its functions. However, 
in September 1949 Tenth Air Force established an Instrument Train- 
ing Center at Marshall Air Force Base to provide a refresher course 
for all its pilots outside the 56th Fighter Wing. The school had 
eight instructors, commanded by Capt. John J. Davis, and was 
equipped with ten B-25's which were later replaced by C-45's. In 
March 1950, after 86 pilots had graduated, the school was moved to 
Selfridge Air Force Base. The Air Force then withdrew entirely 
from Marshall and, effective 1 June 1950, the base unit, which on 
23 August 1948 had become the 4406th Air Base Squadron, was 


"ORATT Army Air Field was constructed in south central Kansas 
* in Pratt county. The field was located about three miles north of 
the city of Pratt, a community of about 7,000, and which was the 
only urban area readily accessible to personnel of the field. The 
area of the field sloped slightly from west to east, with an elevation 
varying from 1,969 feet to 1,930 feet. 

Construction, begun in 1942, was of the theater of operations type. 
By the time of the official dedication of the field in May 1943, some 
60 barracks had been completed giving accommodations to 2,460 
enlisted men. Total authorized construction called for a total of 
72 barracks with a capacity of 3,060 enlisted men and eight officers' 
quarters with a housing capacity of 522. 

A few personnel began to arrive well before completion of the 
field. The first group, a 12-man cadre on detached service, stayed 
for a time at the Calbeck Hotel in Pratt until facilities at the field 


had been completed sufficiently for them to move in. In January 
1943 the 502d Base Headquarters and Air Base Squadron was acti- 
vated to function as the administrative and training squadron for 
the other organizations which would be assigned to the base. On 
10 February 1943 Lt. Col. J. F. Nelson assumed command of the 
field, and by March the installation began to function as a military 
post with the barest of essentials in housing, messing, and adminis- 
trative equipment. Construction and personnel manning had pro- 
gressed so far by May that on the second of the month the field was 
officially dedicated. 

Originally, Pratt Army Air Field had been scheduled to function 
as one of several bases under the control of the 21st Bombardment 
Wing. It was the task of this latter organization to process for 
overseas duty, especially as to equipment, the bombardment wings 
formed and trained under the Second Air Force. However, to the 
disappointment of the 21st Wing, which, incidentally, was con- 
tinually plagued by lack of facilities with which to operate, Pratt 
never really came under its program. The enormous effort necessary 
to form and train the B-29 groups diverted Pratt from its original 
mission with the 21st to one of the several fields dedicated to the 
special B-29 combat training program. 

The function of Pratt Army Air Field, under the administration 
of the 502d Base Headquarters and Air Base Squadron, was to 
furnish housekeeping and administrative services to the bombard- 
ment groups which made Pratt their temporary station while under- 
going combat group training. During 1943 and much of 1944 the 
newly-formed B-29 bombardment groups conducted their own train- 
ing at Pratt, with the field and its units serving only in an adminis- 
trative, housekeeping, and general support capacity. This was true 
of both the 40th and 497th Bombardment Groups. 

As each group went into the latter phases of its training at Pratt, 
the next group in line to move to Pratt would send its maintenance 
squadrons ahead in order to acquire experience by assisting in air- 
craft maintenance for the older group. As a result, when the flight 
echelon of the new group arrived at Pratt upon departure of the 
previous group, the maintenance squadrons had acquired sufficient 
experience to enable them to keep their own group's aircraft in the 

Early in 1944 a new base unit system was devised throughout the 
Air Force. At Pratt the 246th Base Unit, OTU (VH), was formed 


on 1 April 1944. Under the new dispensation the responsibilities 
of the base were greatly increased, for in addition the base, through 
the 246th Base Unit, was henceforth to be in charge of the training 
program of each succeeding B-29 group. 3 For this purpose, a Di- 
rectorate of Training was authorized. 

Such a great increase in function could not, of course, be ac- 
complished immediately. Time was needed in which to acquire 
personnel sufficiently knowledgeable to supervise the instruction. 
Consequently, the 497th Bombardment Group trained itself just as 
the 40th Group had done before it. Indeed, it was not until August 
1944, with the advent of the 29th Group, that the 246th Base Unit 
was able to assume the task of group combat training. Under the 
same system the 29th Group was succeeded at Pratt by the 346th 
Group in February 1945, and the latter in turn by the 93d Group 
in July. 

The process of closing down Pratt Army Air Field began in No- 
vember 1945, while the 93d Group was still in training. The base 
unit suffered such serious losses of personnel during the month as 
to render its task of supervising the training of the 93d Group a most 
difficult one. With the departure of the 93d Group in December, 
the work of Pratt Army Air Field was done, and there remained 
only to complete the process of closing down the installation. Col. 
Reuben Kyle, Jr., as commanding officer, supervised the process. 
Pratt Army Air Field was officially inactivated on 31 December 1945, 
with no subsequent period of activation. 


(Formerly Smoky Hill Air Force Base) 


DURING World War II many famous B-29 units were stationed 
at Smoky Hill Army Air Field, Salina. Both the XX Bomber 
Command, which handled B-29 operations in the China-Burma- 
India Theater, and the XXI Bomber Command, which controlled 
B-29's flying from the Marianas to Japan, were activated at Smoky 
Hill. Though the XX and XXI Bomber Commands remained at 
this station for only a brief period of time, Smoky Hill retained the 
honor of being the birthplace of these two famous units. Also at 

3. Maj. Robert K. Morgan, who led the first all-American raid over Germany in March, 
1943, was assigned at Pratt Army Air Field about this time. Major Morgan was com- 
mander of the "Memphis Belle" which became famous as the subject of one of the out- 
standing documentary motion pictures of World War II. Pratt Tailwind, March 11, April 
22, May 6, 1944. 


Smoky Hill for a short period was the 58th Bombardment Wing, 4 
which operated under the XX Bomber Command in China-Burma- 
India and later under the XXI Bomber Command in the Marianas. 
The 73d Bombardment Wing, which served so valiantly in the 
Marianas under the XXI Bomber Command, was also stationed at 
Smoky Hill. In addition to the above-mentioned headquarters units, 
Smoky Hill Army Air Field took care of several B-29 tactical groups. 
These included the 468th, 499th, and 39th Bombardment Groups. 

Though Smoky Hill Air Field was distinguished as a B-29 training 
station during World War II, the base originally was used as a 
processing and staging area for heavy bombardment units going to 
overseas stations. This phase as a processing station lasted from the 
fall of 1942, when minimum operational facilities first were avail- 
able, through the first half of 1943. The B-29 units began to arrive 
in the fall of 1943; and thereafter, until the end of the war in Septem- 
ber 1945, Smoky Hill was predominantly a B-29 training base. 

The handling of very heavy bombardment units required a base 
possessing extensive facilities. Two runways at Smoky were 10,000 
feet in length, while two other runways were 7,500 feet in length. 
Twelve taxistrips connected the various runways. The concrete 
apron measured 4,000 x 600 feet. The size of the base is further 
indicated by the fact that it comprised approximately 2,600 acres 
in Smoky Hill and Smolan townships. The area on which buildings 
were constructed took up 365 acres. The major part of the con- 
struction work was completed in 1942, with the working force at 
one time including 13 civilian contractors with more than 7,000 

Important dates in Smoky Hill's early history include: 5 May 
1942, when construction work on the airfield started; 23 December 
1942, when the field was officially designated Smoky Hill Army Air 
Field; 20 November 1943, when the XX Bomber Command was acti- 
vated at Smoky Hill; and 1 March 1944, when the XXI Bomber 
Command was activated at Smoky Hill. 

After the end of World War II in September 1945, activity at 
Smoky Hill Army Air Field shifted from wartime to a peacetime 

4. The First Group of the 58th Bombardment Wing, the first of the B-29 "Superfort" 
units, was organized at Smoky Hill Army Air Field. The early B-29's delivered to this unit 
were shipped unfinished, a fact which precipitated the "Salina Blitz" or the "Battle of 
Kansas," in which Gen. H. H. "Hap" Arnold played a leading role. The result of the 
blitz was the bombing of Japan by Kansas built B-29's on 15 June 1944. Wesley Price, 
"Birth of a Miracle," Saturday Evening Post, Philadelphia, August 25, 1945, pp. 11, 52; 
"The Battle of Kansas," The Kansas Historical Quarterly, v. 13, pp. 481-484; Thomas Col- 
lison, The Superfortress Is Born, the Story of the Boeing B-29 (New York, Duell, Sloan & 
Pearce, 1945), pp. 175-188. 

The Collison history gives credit to Brig. Gen. Orval Cook and Ma). Gen. B. E. Meyers, 
and includes the airfields at Pratt, Great Bend and Walker, in this operation. 


basis. In 1946 the base came under the control of the Fifteenth 
Air Force of Strategic Air Command. From 1946 onward, with the 
exception of two years ( 1950-1951 ) when the field was on a stand-by 
status, Smoky Hill was a key installation of Strategic Air Command. 
Two changes of designation occurred in the post World War II 
period. In 1946 the base became Smoky Hill Air Force Base. And 
in 1957 the designation was changed to Schilling Air Force Base in 
honor of Col. David C. Schilling, who was killed in an automobile 
accident in England in 1956. Colonel Schilling, as a member of 
the famous 56th Fighter Group, was a leading ace during World 
War II. 5 

Schilling Air Force Base is now (January 1958) the home of the 
40th and 310th Bombardment Wings, both B-47 jet bomber outfits 
and the 802d Air Division all assigned to Strategic Air Command. 
Each wing consists of 45 bombers and 20 large four engine KC-97 
aerial tankers aircraft. This base continues as a key one in the de- 
fense of our country. Brig. Gen. James C. Wilson commands ( 1958) 
the 802d Air Division. 


FROM its beginning until the Air Force discontinued operations 
there in 1953, the primary and almost exclusive function of 
Sherman Air Force Base at Fort Leavenworth was to provide flying 
facilities for the Command and General Staff School at Fort Leaven- 
worth. Most of its use was for proficiency flights by pilots assigned 
to the school as students or instructors. In the early 1920's such 
flying was done at an old polo ground about three miles from 
Sherman. However, in the spring of 1926 an emergency strip, 
which had been laid out on the present site in 1923, was converted 
into a permanent airfield. To run the field an Air Corps detach- 
ment was stationed there until 1 July 1937 when the detachment 
became the Third Staff Squadron. 

The base was located on low ground in a bend of the Missouri 
river one mile northeast of Fort Leavenworth near the Disciplinary 
Barracks. At first a sod surface was used, but in 1930 construction 
of three cinder runways was initiated. The largest of these had a 

5. Col. David C. Schilling was born in Leavenworth and grew up in the Kansas City 
area. His Air Force career was spectacular. During World War II he shot down 33 
German planes. A colonel at 24, he was entitled to wear 40 ribbons by the end of the 
war. In 1948 he led the first trans-oceanic jet flight from the United States to Germany. 
In 1950 he made the first non-stop trans-Atlantic single jet engine flight. In 1952 the Air 
Force Association designated him as the man who had contributed most to U. S. air power 
the preceding year. He also participated in several speed flights during the early 1950's. 
Kansas City (Mo.) Star, March 10, 1957. 


length of only 2,800 feet in 1937. During the next two years two 
runways were extended to 4,000 feet, and after the entry of the 
United States into World War II they were further lengthened to 
6,000 feet, a distance sufficient for most types of aircraft used in 
that war. However, because in wet weather or when the river was 
high the ground was often too sodden to be satisfactory for use by 
heavy aircraft, cement aprons were laid down late in 1944 at the 
ends of the main runways. Intersecting at one end and joined by 
a short cross-strip, the runways made a pattern like the letter "A." 
A hangar for the base was built in 1932. Badly damaged in 1934 
by a fire which also destroyed several planes, it was repaired and 
used for the next 20 years. Several temporary buildings, including 
barracks for enlisted men, were added during World War II. 

It appears probable that command of the field was first exercised 
in 1926 by Capt. Benjamin F. Giles, subsequently commander of 
the Army Air Forces in the Middle East during the latter part of 
World War II. The base commander in 1935 was Capt. Harry A. 
Johnson, who rose to be head of Tenth Air Force before his retire- 
ment in 1953. During much of World War II Sherman had the 
peculiar distinction of being directly under Headquarters, Army 
Air Forces. However, on 21 January 1944 it was assigned to Third 
Air Force under which it remained for the duration of the war. 
The Third Staff Squadron was inactivated on 29 April 1944, its 
personnel and equipment going to a new organization, the 355th 
Air Base Unit. Also disbanded at that time and absorbed into 
the 355th were a medical detachment and the 344th Sub-Depot, 
which had been in operation at Sherman since its activation on 
1 May 1941. About 50 men belonging to an airways communica- 
tions detachme